"Археологические Вести", СПб., 2000. Выпуск 7. Аннотация

НОВЫЕ ОТКРЫТИЯ И ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ

Н. К. Анисюткин, У. И. Исламов, К. А. Крахмаль. Кливеры раннепалеолитической стоянки Сель-унгур в Средней Азии

В статье публикуется несколько крупных каменных орудий, происходящих из раннепалеолитических культурных слоев пещеры Сельунгур в Средней Азии. По своим технико-морфологическим признакам это архаичные формы, которые можно сопоставить с proto-hachereux французских типологов.

N. K. Anisyutkin, U. K. Islamov, K. A. Krakhmal’. Cleavers from the Early Palaeolithic site of Sel’ungur in Central Asia

In the present article a number of large stone tools from the early Palaeolithic layers of the Sel’ungur Cave in Central Asia are published. In terms of their technique and morphology they present archaic forms which may be compared to the proto-hachereux of French typologists.

С. А. Кулаков. Некоторые новые данные к изучению Ахштырской пещерной стоянки (Северо-западный Кавказ)

В 1996 г. Причерноморский палеолитический отряд ИИМК РАН и Музей истории Адлерского района г. Сочи, финансируемые Администрацией Адлерского района, возобновили исследования Ахштырской пещерной стоянки. Работы 1996 г. проводились в первую очередь для того, чтобы определить состояние этого уникального памятника первобытной археологии и возможности его спасения и сохранения. В настоящее время памятник находится на окраине Адлера, легко доступен для бесконтрольных посещений, и поэтому постоянно находится под угрозой уничтожения.

Стоянка первобытного человека была открыта в 1936 г. С.Н. Замятниным и раскапывалась им в 1937-38 гг. (около 90 кв.м. площади) (рис.1). Исследователь выделил на памятнике два культурных слоя эпохи мустье – "верхний и нижний", уровни обитания человека в позднем палеолите–неолите, энеолите–бронзе и средневековье (табл. 1).

В 1961 г. исследование стоянки продолжили Е.А. Векилова и М.З. Паничкина (рис.1), стратиграфия культурных слоев и их атрибуция рассматривалась исследователями в русле выводов С.Н. Замятнина (табл. 1).

В 1962-63, 1965 гг. работы на памятнике велись Е.А. Векиловой, в результате было вскрыто около 40 кв.м культурных отложений (рис. 1). В это время начинается комплексное изучение памятника, большие работы были произведены на стоянке геологом М.Н. Грищенко. Результатом этих исследований стал новый взгляд на стратиграфию и геологию стоянки, были введены более дробные подразделения не только пещерных, но и культурных уровней. Так вместо 7 литологических подразделений С.Н. Замятнина было выделено 15, вместо раннее выделяемых двух мустьерских слоев стали выделять четыре (табл. 1).

В 1978 г. Е.А. Векилова совместно с группой специалистов-естественников произвела небольшие работы на стоянке. В результате этих исследований был утвержден новый взгляд на стратиграфию стоянки, согласно которому количество пещерных напластований является большим, чем у С.Н. Замятнина, но не столь дробным как у М.Н. Грищенко, хотя вслед за ним вся толща отложений подразделяется "на три четкие пачки" (табл. 1). Начало формирования пещеры относится к раннему плейстоцену, вторая пачка отложений (“мустьерская”) формировалась в условиях близких к нижневюрмским, верхи отложений – первая пачка – это поздневюрмские отложения.

Согласно геологу С.Н. Несмеянову, вход (97 м над рекой) в Ахштырскую пещеру мог открыться в среднем плейстоцене (в 1-ой половине рисса), осадконакопление началось в пещере вскоре после ее вскрытия (Q II-?, [Q2a/2], R-2).

По нашему представлению общая площадь стояки в Большой Казачебродской пещере составляла около 200 кв.м (осталось около 40), общая мощность отложений вмещающих культурные остатки достигает 5-6 м. Ахштырская пещерная стоянка включает в себя культурные слои среднего палеолита ("верхний мустьерский слой" и "нижний мустьерский слой"), эпох позднего палеолита, неолита, бронзы и средневековья. Наличие в коллекции “ручных рубил” дает основания предполагать присутствие на памятнике более древних культурных отложений. Для памятника имеются две датировки культурных отложений:

1) 35000±2000 лет для верхов "верхнего мустьерского слоя", по урану и торию из сталактитов (табл. 1);

2) 19000±500 лет для середины позднепалеолитических отложений 2-го слоя по C14 из зольной прослойки (табл. 1).

В 1996 г. в первую очередь было произведено тщательное обследование состояния памятника. Было выявлено, что верх пещерных отложений с вмещающими культурными остатками уничтожен на площади более 10 кв.м, на глубину более 2 м от дневной поверхности (рис. 1, 2). В результате детального изучения архивных данных, публикаций и сопоставления их с сохранившимися частями пещерных отложений автор считает, что на сегодняшний день на стоянке имеется ступенчатый поперечный разрез (G–H) пещерных отложений (рис. 1, 2), верхняя часть которого, с культурными остатками после среднепалеолитического времени, сильно разрушена и уничтожена, нижняя же напротив сохранился довольно хорошо, особенно слой 7.

Стратиграфическое подразделение, нумерация и описание слоев ступенчатого разреза G–H (рис. 2) производилось, ориентируясь на последнюю по времени публикацию разреза, по всей видимости сводного (1978 года), при активном участии и поддержке геологов В.В. Власова и С.В. Власовой (табл. 1).

В разрезе G–H 1996 г. были взяты образцы на спорово-пыльцевой анализ из всех стратиграфически четко выраженных слоев пещерных отложений. По возможности они брались из верхней, средней и нижней частей слоев. Всего было взято 42 образца (рис. 2), которые находятся в обработке.

Для проведения радиотермолюминисцентного анализа отложений было взято 5 образцов (рис.2). О.А. Куликовым в МГУ (Москва) пока были получены две даты:

1) 306000+61000 лет (РТЛ-926), для образца 1т из середины слоя 7 (рис. 2; табл. 1);

2) 112000+22000 лет (РТЛ-927), для образца 5т из середины слоя 5/2, содержащего среднепалеолитические артефакты, приблизительно соответствующие самым ранним уровня “нижнего мустьерского слоя” по С.Н. Замятнину (рис. 2; табл. 1).

Вновь полученные две термолюминисцентные даты для низов культурных отложений Ахштырской пещерной стоянки, при всем настороженном отношении к этому методу датирования, довольно удачно вписываются, как и в геоморфологическое, так и в археологическое представление о памятнике. Так дата для слоя 7 укладывается в представления об открытии пещерной полости в начале риса, а дата для слоя 5/2 соответствует предположениям о риссвюрмском возрасте среднего палеолита в Ахштырской пещере.

Работами на Ахштырской пещерной стоянке в 1996 г. (при разборке осыпи и зачистке разреза и поверхностей отложений) была получена новая коллекция находок, состоящая из каменных изделий и фаунистического материала. Фаунистическая коллекция насчитывает 565 экз., как обычно в Ахштырской пещере, приблизительно до 90% среди определимых костей составляют останки пещерного медведя.

Коллекция каменных изделий, собранная на стоянке в 1996 г., насчитывает всего 41 экземпляр, которые в основном происходят из осыпи, стратифицированных только 4. Следует отметить достаточно уникальное орудие для ахштырской индустрии – чоппер (рис. 3), 15,5 × 12,5 × 5,5 см. Орудие изготовлено на крупной, уплощенной "алевролитовой" (диабазовой) гальке серо-зеленого цвета. Патина глубокая светло-серая, на поверхности изделия имеются пятна ожелезнения и глинистой рубашки. Для придания изделию подтреугольной формы левый край гальки был оббит. Лезвие орудия, сформированное как бы на основании этого треугольника, имеет прямую форму и оформлено крупными и плоскими средними сколами. Угол заострения лезвия распределяется в пределах 70–72°. Специально зауженный низ гальки (вершина треугольника) является удобной аккомодационной частью – рукоятью.

Небольшие оценочные работы 1996 г. окончательно убеждают, что Ахштырская пещерная стоянка, всемирно известный памятник первобытной археологии России, в настоящее время постоянно находится под угрозой полного уничтожения. Нам представляется, что спасение и сохранение этого уникального объекта сейчас возможно только через его музеефикацию и использование как контролируемого экскурсионного объекта.

S. A. Kulakov. Some new evidence on the Akhshtyrskaya cave site (North-Western Caucasus)

In 1966 the Black-Sea-Area Palaeolithic Detachment, IIMK RAS, and The Museum of the History of Adler Region, the town of Sochi, renewed investigation of the Akhshtyrskaya cave site sponsored by authorities of Adler Region. The works of 1966 were aimed first and foremost at elucidation of the present state of this unique site of archaeology of the Primeval Period and possibilities of its rescuing and preserving. At present the site is situated at the outskirts of the town of Adler (Great Sochi) easy of uncontrolled access and therefore is constantly under the treat of demolition.

This site of primitive people was discovered in 1936 by S. N. Zamyatnin and was excavated by the latter in 1937–38 (the area of about 90 sq. m.) (Fig. 1). The investigator identified at the site two cultural layers of the Mousterian period – “the upper and the lower ones”, levels of occupation by man in the late Palaeolithic age – Neolithic and Aeneolithic periods – in Bronze Age and in the Middle Ages (Table 1).

In 1961 the investigation of the site was continued by E. A. Vekilova and M. Z. Panichkina (Fig. 1); the stratigraphy of cultural layers and the attribution of the latter was considered by these scholars within the frame of S. N. Zamyatnin’s conclusions (Table 1).

In 1962–63 and 1965 the works at the site were conducted by E. A. Vekilova and resulted in uncovering 40 sq. m. cultural deposits (Fig. 1). This was the time when an interdisciplinary study of the site began; much was done at the site by geologist M. N. Grishchenko. These studies resulted in a new approach to the stratigraphy and geology of the site; a more detailed classification both of the cave levels and of the cultural ones was introduced. Thus 15 lithological divisions were identified instead of S. N. Zamyatnin’s seven; instead of the two Mousterian layers identified earlier, four were distinguished (Table 1).

In 1978 E. A. Vekilova carried out at the site a small study in collaboration with experts in natural sciences. This study established a new conception of the site’s stratigraphy according to which the number of the cave stratifications is greater than that proposed by S. N. Zamyatnin but not so minutely subdivided as it has been according to M. N. Grishchenko; however, the latter’s subdivision of the whole thickness of the deposits “into three distinct packs” remains valid (Table 1). The beginning of the formation of cave deposits is dated to the early Pleistocene; the second “pack” of the deposits (the “Mousterian”) was formed in the conditions close to those of the lower Würm; the upper – first pack – consists of late Würm deposits.

According to geologist S. N. Nesmeyanov the entrance (97 m above the river) into the Akhshtyrskaya Cave was probably opened in the Middle Pleistocene (in the first half of Riss); the accumulation of sediments began in the cave soon after its opening (Q II-?, [Q2a/2], R-2).

To our opinion the total area of the site in the Bolshaya Kazachebrodskaya Cave amounted to about 200 sq. m. (about 40 sq. m. are preserved), the total thickness of the deposits comprising cultural remains reaches 5–6 m. The Akhshtyrskaya cave site is composed of cultural layers of the Middle Palaeolithic period (“the upper Mousterian layer” and “the lower Mousterian layer”), of the late Palaeolithic, Neolithic, Bronze and Medieval ages. The hand-axes from the collection strongly suggest the presence of more ancient cultural deposits at the site. There are two datings of the site’s cultural deposits:

1) 35000±2000 b.p. for the upper part of the “upper Mousterian layer” determined by uranium and thorium from stalactites (Table 1);

2) 19000±500 b.p. for the middle part of the 2nd layer deposits dated by 14C from the ashy intercalation (Table 1).

In 1996, first of all, a thorough examination of the site’s state was carried out. It was discovered that the upper layers of the cave deposits together with the cultural remains comprised in them have been destroyed within an area of more than 10 sq. m. and over 2 m deep from the modern ground surface (Fig. 1, 2). A detailed study of the archive information and available publications and their comparison with the preserved parts and surfaces of the cave deposits enabled us to suppose that now at the site there is a step-like cross-section (G–H) of the cave deposits (Fig. 1, 2) the upper part of which containing cultural remains younger than the middle Palaeolithic period is strongly disturbed and destroyed; on the contrary, the lower part is fairly well preserved, especially Layer 7 which is supposed to be the most ancient stratified cultural layer at the site.

The stratigraphic subdivision, numeration and description of layers of the step-like section G–H (Fig. 2) were carried out on the basis of the last publication (in 1978) of the section (in all probability a composite one) of the Akhshtyrskaya cave site with an active collaboration and support of geologists V. V. Vlasov and S. V. Vlasova (Table 1).

From all cave deposit layers with clearly defined stratigraphies in the G–H section of 1996 samples for a palynological analysis were taken; the samples were picked where possible from the top, middle and bottom of the layers. In total 42 samples were selected (Fig. 2) which now are being analysed.

Five samples (Fig. 2) were selected for a radiothermoluminescent analysis of the deposits. For the time present O. A. Kulikov (Moscow State University) has defined two dates:

1) 306000±61000 b.p. (RTL-926) for sample 1т from the middle of Layer 7 (Fig. 2; Table 1);

2) 112000±22000 b.p. (RTL-927) for sample 5т from the middle of Layer 5/2 containing mid-Palaeolithic artefacts corresponding approximately to the earliest levels of the “lower Mousterian layer” according to S. N. Zamyatnin (Fig. 2; Table 1).

The two newly obtained thermoluminescent dates for the lower cultural deposits of the Akhshtyrskaya cave site, notwithstanding the general caution in respect of this dating method, blend fairly well both with the geomorphological and archaeological ideas about the site. Thus dating of layer 7 complies well with the supposition that the cave opened in the early Riss, and dating of Layer 5/2 corresponds to the supposed date of the Middle Palaeolithic remains in the Akhshtyrskaya Cave to the Riss-Würm period.

The works of 1996 at the Akhshtyrskaya cave site (disassembling of the scree and cleaning of the section and surfaces of the deposits) yielded a new collection of finds consisting of stone artefacts and faunistic material. The faunistic collection amounts to 565 items; as it is common for the Akhshtyrskaya Cave, approximately 90% of identifiable bones are remains of cave bear.

Stone objects collected at the site in 1996 amount to only 41 samples which mostly come from the scree; only four have defined stratigraphies. Of note is a tool rather unique for the Akhshtyrskaya industry – chopper (Fig. 2: no. 1; 3), 15.5 × 12.5 × 5.5 cm. The tool is made of a large flattened “siltstone” (diabase) grey-green pebble. The patina is light-grey; on the surface of the tool there are ferriferous spots and traces of clay jacket. The left side of the pebble was broken off for imparting a sub-triangular shape to the tool. The edge of the tool, formed as if on the basis of this triangle, is straight and shaped with large and medium flat cleavages. The point angle of the edge varies within 70–72 degrees. The specially narrowed lower part of the pebble (the vertex of the triangle) presents a handy accommodation part – handle.

The small-scaled evaluation works of 1996 finally convinced us that the Akhshtyrskaya cave site – the world-wide known site of the archaeology of the Primeval Period in Russia – is at present under an imminent threat of its total destruction. It seems to us that the rescue and preserving of this unique object is now possible only through making it a museum for its use as a controllable excursion centre.

В. Я. Шумкин. Проблема сохранения памятников наскального творчества на Севере Европейской России

По сравнению с западноевропейским регионом, памятники наскального творчества на севере Европейской части России не столь многочисленны. В настоящее время здесь известно всего 5 таких местонахождений: два в Карелии (Онежское озеро и устье р. Выг) и три на Кольском полуострове (р. Поной, п-ов Рыбачий и р. Умба).

Последний памятник, открытый в 1998–1999 гг., представлен 18 отдельными группами петроглифов и датируется от неолита (IV тыс. до н.э.) до Саамского средневековья. Кроме получения нового, порой сенсационного материала, отражающего жизнь наших далеких предков, обнаружение данного комплекса не только ставит новые вопросы, но и обостряет ряд старых, становящихся все более опасными проблем, решение которых довольно успешно осуществляется в западно-европейском регионе.

Помимо изучения вновь открытых памятников наскального творчества, на первый план выходит проблема сохранения самих изображений, поскольку скальные поверхности с петроглифами расположены на пути водного туристического маршрута и являются местами регулярных остановок. Подобные проблемы возникают практически со всеми наскальными группами Карелии и Кольского полуострова (Восточной Лапландии), страдающих нередко от актов вандализма. Сохранению нашего исторического наследия, к которому несомненно относятся древние петроглифы, может способствовать установление охранных зон и популяризация значения данных объектов среди населения.

V. Ya. Shumkin. On the problem of preservation of the objects of rock arts in the north of European Russia

Objects of rock arts in the north of European Russia are not so numerous as they are in the West-European region. Now only five of such sites are known: two in Karelia (the Lake of Onega and the mouth of the Vyg River) and three on the Kola Peninsula (the Ponoi River, Cape Rybachiy and the Umba River).

The latter site discovered in 1998–1999 is represented by 18 separate groups of petroglyphs which are dated to periods from the Neolithic (the 4th millennium B.C.) to that of the Saami Middle Ages. In addition to yielding new and partly sensational materials reflecting the life of our remote ancestors the discovery of this complex not only poses new questions but also aggravates some old problems.

Besides the study of the newly discovered objects of rock arts the problem of the preservation of these representations becomes the most actual because the cliffs bearing engravings are situated along a boating route and are places of regular visits. Similar problems actually are arising in respect to all the groups of rock arts in Karelia and Kola Penninsula (Eastern Lapland) which often suffer from actions of vandalism. Establishing protective zones and popularisation of the importance of such objects among the population may be a significant contribution to the preservation of our cultural inheritance to which ancient petroglyphs undoubtedly belong.

Бруно Марколонго, Паоло Моцци. Геоморфологическая эволюция предгорной равнины Восточного Копетдага в эпоху голоцена: предварительный геоархеологический обзор

B. Markolongo, P. Mozzi. Holocene Geomorphological Evolution of the Eastern Kopet Dag Piedmont Plain: a preliminary geoarchaeological perspective

Foreword. This study has been developed in the ambit of the scientific collaboration, started in 1989, between the institute of Applied Oology — C. N. R. on the one hand and Is. M. E. O. and Russian Academy of Sciences on the other hand, concerning a geo-archae­ological reconstruction of the late Holocene history of the proluvial plain and inner delta, bordering the So­uth-eastern Kopet Dag range in Turkmenistan.

In particular, here the results and conclusions of a previous palaeoenvironmental and geomorphological re­search conducted by the writers in Murgab and Tedjen oasis are resumed, the whole area, in fact, shows a re­cent regional tilting with sinking of the North-Western comer towards the Caspian sea, responsible for the shif­ting of the main rivers from approximately East to West. So either Murgab or Tedjen during the last six-seven millenia left many traces of palaeoriver beds, whose ge­neral pattern contributes to clarify the relationships bet­ween environment, natural resources and distribution and tipology of the numerous archaeological sites.

This late Quaternary fluvial dynamics, mainly cau­sed by neotectonics likely still active (the area has been affected in the fifties by a severe earthquake), has been recognised during the 1994 survey' also in the Meana and Chaacha proluvial plain. Here the palaeo­river channels show a coherent pattern with the neigh­bour palaeo-tedjen's course; palaeo-Meana and pa­laeo-Chaacha seem tributaries of palaeo-Tedjen, thus indicating their belonging to the same great watershed. It follows that here a global approach based on unitary interpretative keys has been choosen, with the aim of creating at the end a geographical information system (GIS) of the entire turkmenian proluvial belt.

The present research is thus intended to bring a se­cond, new patch in the mosaic of the environmental evolution during Holocene times in Southern Turkme­nistan, trying to recognize separate influences of neotec­tonics and climatic phases in the spatial re-distribution of natural resources sustaining human settlements.

Introduction. This study concerns an area rough­ly bounded on the North by the Karakum Canal and on the South-Southwest by the mountain ran­ge of Kopet Dag. It corresponds to the Meana and Chaacha rivers district. On the East, we extended satellite image interpretation as far as the Siraks delta, because there are strong evidences for that being the intake location of the ancient artificial canal which is one of the most outstanding archae­ological features of the region.

In order to get a synoptic view of the whole area we used Landsat MSS satellite images, selecting the spectral bands more useful for a geomorphological — palaeoenvironmental analysis (bands 4, 6, 7). More detailed information came from the elaboration and interpretation of Soyuz cosmic photos at the scale 1: 100000, characterized by high geometric accuracy.

The creation of a Digital Elevation Model based on 1: 200000 scale cartography allowed us to make a contextual interpretation based on both remote sen­sing and terrain morphology. This was a great sup­port to the sedimentological, geomorphological and geoarchaeological data gathered during the Septem­ber — October 1994 survey carried out in the key area of the Meana and Chaacha river alluvial fans.

Future field work will be concentrated on disentan­gling the relationships between natural and artificial hydrography, and in general between ancient settle­ments and palaoenvironmental evolution, both in the Southeast (Siraks and Geoksur) and in the Northwest.

The alluvial fans in the geomorphological con­text. From the tectonic point of view, the mounta­in range of Kopet Dag is part of the so called Turk­men-Khorasan plicative system, an uplifting oroge­netic area characterized by active faulting and warping of Mesozoic, Paleogenic and Neogenic rocks (Marcolongo et al. 1992). On the contrary, the plain lying in the north is the morphological co­unterpart of a subsiding basin (named Turcoman Tro­ugh), mainly filled with the alluvial deposits of major rivers coming from Hindu Kush and its westernmost fringes such as Amu Dar'ya, Murgab and Tedjen.

This basin, segmented in several tectonic blocks, is affected by a regional tilling with a North-western dip. In the Murgab and Tedjen delta, such an active movement led to a shifting of the main drainage pat­tern from East to West (Marcolongo & Mozzi 1992)

The limit of the mountain area is very sharp and li­near, marked by a fault-line scarp sometimes modelled in large poligonal facets. This shows that some portion of the chain, such as the one which backs the study area, is still uplifting with neotectonic movements.

The piedmont belt represents the transition bet­ween these two tectonic domains. It is characterized by an apron («bay ada») of coalescent alluvial fans with apex located at the opening of the valleys. The streams that built these fans come from the Kopet Dag, and they are of ephemeral nature with strong seasonal discharge variations. That is, they carry very little or no water at all in summer time, while during the rainy seasons of spring and especially autumn they can reach relatively high flow peaks.

The natural regimen is presently enhanced by the summer upstream capture of water for irrigation purposes in the Iranian territory. This factor existed at least since last century, with political problems concerning the exploitation of water between bor­dering Russia and Persia, but considering the long term history of human settlement in the region, the­re could have been some influences on the nature of streams dating further back in historical times.

The alluvial fans of Meana and Chaacha have a rather elongated shape, with a radius of approximate­ly 40 km, a slope of 0, 3-0, 4 %, and are interfingering in their middle and distal portions, reaching the lar­ger Tedjen fan in the NE. The transitional zone in between Meana and Chaacha has a very flat micro-morphology, with an almost linear trend of the con­tour lines. The activity of these two rivers is promi­nent in comparison to that of the other streams co­ming from the Kopet Dag. This is clearly shown by the differences in extension between the various fans.

The North-westernmost portions of the Meana fan is marked by a series of fluvial terraces with few metres high, degraded scarps (see the enclosed geo­morphological map).

For some kilometers from the apex the rivers run deeply entrenched in respect to the surrounding allu­vial plain. Meana river is entrenched for a longer stretch than Chaacha, 15 km against 5 km. The 5-6 m high scarps are almost vertical, with a typical wadi -like morphology which fits well with the present-day dry climate. The active river beds are 15-30 m wide, commonly occupying all the bottom of the incision.

The walls of these entrenchements provide quite good stratigraphical sections, while in the distal portions of the fans the only chance for underta­king sedimentological observations are irrigation canals and ditches.

In general, the plain appears to be constituted for the first metres from the surface by a sequence of silty clay, silt and silty fine sand, with sedimentary structures showing the typical fluvial facies: sets of rithmic, planar lamination, sometimes with ripples (overbank fines); cross stratification of sand bars, small point bars, channel fillings (active channel deposition). The latter facies have been observed almost exclusively in the distal part.

In a section 20 Ion East of Dushak, Khodjubulan river, there are two palaeosoils. The upper one is bu­ried at a depth of 2 m, the other one is 1.5 m below. They both developed in loamy materials, and were buried by sediments of the same texture. The preser­ved horizons are in both cases a 30-40 cm thick, red­dish/brownish B horizon, characterized by medium subangular blocky structure. Another reddish palaeo­soil outcrops at the bottom of the scarp in the section of Meana, and appears quite strongly cemented.

A distinctive feature of Meana and Chaacha fans is the very poor sorting in particle size going do­wnstream, most of the terms being in general finer than fine sands. This is probably due to the fact that the sedimentary load of these rivers was mainly re­worked loess. In fact, loess covers the bottom of val­leys in the Kopet Dag chain and buries underneath a few meters thick, continuous layer the northern slope of the mountains backing the plains. Because of its erodibility, it was easily washed downstream.

Gravels do actually exist only in the proximal part of the fan, near the mountains, as fillings of the wadi-like incisions, both active (Khodjubulan river, Meana river) and fossils (Meana river). Their high eterometry and internal structure show that they are debris-flow sediments, deposited during flash-floods of particular strength.

Trying to reconstruct the evolution of this stretch of­piedmont plain from the sedimentary record of subsur­face strata, we can thus recognize two distinct phases.

In the older one it occurred the building of the upper portion of the alluvial fans, through the de­position of fine materials mainly coming from the erosion of loess outcrops. The river could have been of the braided — anastomosed kind, with eno­ugh power to carry sediments several tens of kilo­meters away from the mountains. In this period, Meana and Chaacha rivers were tributary of Tedjen river, which was building up its own mega-fan. The presence of palaeosoils in the alluvial plain sequen­ce shows that some patches of the plain were stable for a relatively long time, and that climatic conditi­ons allowed the development of pedogenic hori­zons. In general there seems to have been a fairly wet climate with a «temperate» drainage system.

In the following phase, the fluvial system seems to adapt to a shift towards a drier climate, similar to the present one. Rains become more concentra­ted in time, and the depletion of vegetation makes the infiltration of water in the ground during storms more difficult. Rivers get thinner or dry out completely for a great part of the year, becoming impressive flows of a mixture of water, mud and stones in occasion of strong meteorical events.

Mass transport and deposition take places. Debris flows are characterized by a strong scouring activity at the bottom. The surface of the previous braided river plain is cut by the wadi-like incisions, which, expecial­ly in the earlier stages, can be completely filled by the debris. This is probably the case of the gravel body in the Meana section. The fact of it being covered by a se­quence of fine sediments can indicate that it was depo­sited during the transition between the first phase, here marked by the palaeosoil, and the drier phase.

The conservation through burial of the palaeosoils was possible because of the general marked subsiden­ce, well recognized in the whole area. On the other hand, the presence of alluvial terraces concentrated just in one part of Meana fan, could to some extent imply an uplifting of this sector. Such a vertical mo­vement may fit well inside a framework of tilling tec­tonic blocks, as the one recognised at regional scale.

Remote Sensing and Digital Elevation elaborati­ons. The satellite images used in this study were different both in geometric and spectral resolution. Landsat MSS images are recorded in four different spectral bands, ranging from the visible to the inf­rared portions of the spectrum. We choose bands named 4, 6 and 7 (corresponding roughly to green, red and near infrared) of an image taken in late autumn, being the ones richer in (paleo-) environ­mental information. For the eastern portion of the study area, the bands were in separate negative prints, while for the western portion the only avai­lable document was an already made false color composition of these same three bands. Therefor the singular bands were extracted by digital processing The Soyuz image is a KFA 1000 cosmic photo, available in two, partly overlapping, positive, black and white prints at the scale 1: 100000.

Both images were digitalized with a high resolution scanner. Once in numerical format, the three MSS bands were used for making one false color composi­tion of the whole study area, while the different prints of the Soyuz image were assembled together.

It was then possible to georeference both images using control points of the 1: 200000 scale topo­graphic maps. In practice, images were re-oriented along the UTM reference system, making it possib­le to overlay cartographic and remote sensing data.

More specifically, through the informatization with a digitizer of the 10 m equidistance contour lines ret­rievable from cartography, we made a Digital Eleva­tion Model of the Meana and Chaacha district.

The bi- and three-dimensional display of the DEM was then draped with the satellite image, concentra­ting in one single document both the micro-morpho­logy of the alluvial plain (not at all percievable in the field because of the very low slope gradients) and the spatial distribution of distinct physiographical features.

This helped the interpretation of images, the correla­tion between remote sensing and terrain data, and the compilation of maps with precise location of the pa­laeo-hydrographical features and of the alluvial fans.

Palaeohydrography and archaeological eviden­ces: a critical synthesis from images and survey.

The interpretation of the digital images allowed the areal expansion of field obserevation acquired in spe­cific key points, mainly located along the river incisi­ons and the foothills. The results of this contextual analysis are summarized in the thematic maps here enclosed.

The first one shows the geomorphological outli­nes of Chaacha and Meana plain, in respect to the main archaeological sites of Altyn and Ilgynly.

An ancient canal crosses the whole area from SE to NW, likely with the intake in the Siraks district. In the legend the different typological sections en­countered during the survey are represented, vary­ing from well preserved levees to eroded and overf­lowed banks through intermediate stages.

In particular the canal is very well preserved in the Eastern half of the stretch between Chaacha and Meana. An outstanding phenomenon is the complete interception of relict drainage directions of Chaacha by this artificial feature. Two meande­ring palaeoriver beds, about 40 m wide and cut for approximately 3 m in the alluvial plain (the larger one is represented in the map), are in fact tributari­es of the canal, and no continuation along the na­tural plain slope has been detected on the other side of the canal. This means that the canal is older than the palaeorivers, and that natural hydrography has been deeply conditioned by man's activity.

The canal was likely excavated for irrigation pur­poses, perhaps re-distributing waters coming from as far as the Tedjen river. Future investigations will however be needed in order to fully understand the many-folds meaning of this structure and its age.

Several palaeoriver beds were reported in the map. From a general point of view, the most conti­nuous and conspicuous ones are located in the East of the present active drainage directions.

An attempt to model a general paiaeohydrograp­hical scheme for middle-late Holocene is syntheti­zed in the second enclosed map. Meana and Cha­acha both shifted from SE to NW, probably being left tributaries of Tedjen palaeoflows directions du­ring Chalcolithic times (active Geoksur delta).

In this context, not only Altyn Depe but also Ilgyniy was strictly related to an ancient Meana course. Chal­colithic Altyn and llgyniy lay Along Meana palaeoriver bed 1; after the drainage North-western shifting, Ilgy­nly was abandoned and human settlement in Altyn continued with its Bronze age flourishing phase.

Perspectives for future researches. From the abo­ve consideration it arises the need for extending fi­eld work both in the SE towards Siraks and along the proluvial plain to the NW. The leading feature of this research proposal is represented by the artifi­cial canal discovered in 1994, possible axis of an ancient water management scheme. The authors' intentions are to collect an dassemble data in a Geo­graphical Information System, a worthy tool for a di­achronical environmental analysis.

А. К. Каспаров. Собака эпохи энеолита из Южной Туркмении по палеозоологическим данным

A. K. Kasparov. About the Type of Chalcolithic Dog from South Turkmenia

The formation of dog breeds in the early stages of human history is still unclear in many aspects. Many articles describing remains of prehistoric dogs deal with this problem. It is possible to assume that on the early stages of human history dogs were used almost exclusively for hunting. Stock breeding was still extre­mely limited in the Neolithic. Also, the pastoral func­tions of the dog are complicated to condition; they imply a complex reflex of behaviours, formed together with the development of stock breeding, with the help of teleological training and selection. By the end of the Neolithic there happens to have been two types of wolf-like breed: husky-like in wooded regions and slu­ki-like in the steppes, forest-steppe and in more sout­hern regions (Rutimeyer 1862; Studer 1905; Анучин 1882; Савенков 1905; Браунер 1923; Цалкин 1970). In the Middle East the most ancient breed of this type is the saluki or Persian greyhound. Pictures of greyho­unds appeared for the first time in Egypt and Mesopo­tamia already at the end of the 5^th Millennium B. C. Remains of dogs from archaeological sites in Southern Turkmenia are scarce and all of them, except skulls from Anau, described by Duerst (1908), are represen­ted by just a few fragments of jaws. Therefore the find of a well preserved dog skull in this region is very im­portant.

The skull was found in 1994 during the excavati­on of the chalcolithic settlement of Ilgynly-Depe (plot N60, dig N5) by the Institute of History of Material Culture. Ilgynly-Depe is located to the east of the foothills of the Kopet Dag, 200 km S. E. of Ashkabad. The layers in which the skull was found are dated to the second half of the 4^th Millennium B. C. Close to the skull were found two mandibles, right and left, which are of the same size. They ob­viously belong to the same individual since they fit together in the area of the symphysis. They are da­maged in their front part. The size of the lower jaws corresponds to the dog skull described.

Measurements of the skull and mandibles, as well as of some other skulls and mandibles are pre­sented in Table 1 and Table 3. In these tables some measurements from sites of the Kopet Dag foothills are shown together: Jeitun (first half of the 6^th mil­lennium B. C. ) neolithic, Anau (first half of the 4^th millennium B. C., chalcolithic), Ilgyniy-Depe (2^nd half of the 4^th millennium B. C., chalcolithic), Al­tyn-Depe (limit 3^rd-2^nd millennia B. C., end of early Bronze Age), as well as from Tell-Brak in north­western Syria. This find is dated to the middle of the 3^rd millennium B. C., that is in the early Bronze Age. The tables also contain some measurements of a sluki dog from Egypt, acquired by the British Museum at the beginning of this century (Clutton-Brock 1989).

In general it was rather difficult to make a comp­rehensive comparison of our sample with others. Authors used a different system of measuring in each case and, besides, the specimens are damaged in different places. Therefore some measurements were impossible to take.

The dog skull from Ilgynly is relatively narrower than the ones described by Duerst at Anau and from Egypt (index N 2, 3, 5, 7 - Table 2). It appears to be only slightly wider in the region of the camas­sial tooth, at level Pm4-M1 (index N4). The relati­vely smaller zygomatic breadth of the dog from Il­gynly (index 3) may result not only from the gene­ral relative narrowness of skull, but also from the fact that it could belong to a female. The dog from Anau is very similar to Egyptian specimens. How­ever, the skull is also narrower (indexes NN 3, 4, 5). With its greater relative narrowness and weakness of skull, the dog from Ilgynly appears to have unexpectedly large teeth. So the ratio of length of crown Pm4 to length of cheektooth row (alveolar) is 31, 6%, while those of the specimens from Jeitun have a larger size are 28, 6 and 29, 8%. The ratio of the dog from Anau is only 24, 6. The proportions of carnassials are the following: the ratio of width in the forward part to general tooth length is 50, 4% for the Jeitun specimens and 49% for Dgyniy, 40% for Tell-Brak and 52, 9% for Anau. Thus, the car­nassial tooth of the dog from Ilgynly and Tell-Brak is longer and narrower in the area of the protocone. The same indexes of two of the best preserved skulls of dog from the site of Luka-Vrublevetskaya dated from the 4^th millennium B. C. are adduced in this table for comparison. The dating of this settlement is practically synchronous with our specimen (Бибикова 1953). The author specially remarks that several skulls have quite the same type. This means that we are dealing with a steady morphological form.

One can see that this dog's skull has some other proportional characters. On the whole it appears to be slightly narrow in the region of the canine te­eth in spite of a shorter and wider muzzle. V. I. Bi­bikova (1953) determines this dog as Canis familia­ris palustris and emphasizes its similarity with the neolithic peat-dog in all its variations from middle and southern Europe, including Italy.

We can see that the morphological type of dogs which were widespread in western Asia and sout­hern Central Asia in the 4^th-3^rd millennia B. C. was completely different from that in Europe and, pro­bably, was some separate «breed». In this context the interpretation of the dogs found at Anau, as Cams matris optima, is quite unreliable if it is only based on the similarity of absolute sizes (as first suggested by Duerst). It is possible, in my opinion, to use the general name Canis familiaris asiatica for the greyhoundlike chalcolithic dogs, from Western Asia, which unites numerous local variations.

The measurements of mandibles are given in the Table 3. Mandibles are more common than skulls and therefore we have more material to compare with standard parameters. If we look at indexes of proportions again (Table 4), we can see that the first lower molar of the dog from Ilgynly is relative­ly larger than those from Jeitun and Altyn and Anau (index N1). The lower camassial tooth is slig­htly more massive only in the dog from Tell Brak.

However, the jaw of this individual is weaker: its relative height at the level of the posterior edge of MI is less and exceeds only one of the modern slukis (in­dex N3). The Jeitun and Anau dogs prove to be very close to the saluki (indexes NN 1, 2) in the proporti­ons of mi, however, the height of their jaw is larger (index N 3). Thus, the samples from Jeitun and Anau are very similar in the characteristics of the lower jaws; they belong to a form which corresponds to the ancient Egyptian dog which resembles the modem greyhound. This applies especially to skull N3 from Anau. The sample found by us is different from the ancient Egyptian breed in having a relatively narro­wer and weaker skull and a narrower and longer car­nassial tooth (upp. Pm4). In the proportions of Ml and its massive lower jaw it is similar to the dog from Altyn-Depe and to the dog from Tell-Brak, i. e. with later Bronze Age specimens. It is important to note that the mandible of the dog from Syria is similar to the saluki in its dimensions, as was noted by Clutton-Brock (1989); however, in terms of its proportions it is rather different from this form.

So, the type of dog which already differed a lit­tle from the classical type of ancient dogs of Egypt and Western Asia by the end of the 5^th mil­lennium B. C., existed in the northern foothills of the Kopet Dag and possibly in Iraq in late chal­colithic times. It is possible to assume that this dog differed by having a longer and narrower muzzle and, accordingly, narrower and longer te­eth, but having a wider palate in the region of the first molars and a more rounded brain box. Its lo­wer jaw was greater in height with a more massive camassial tooth. Despite the scarcity of osteologi­cal material it is suggested here that the skull from Ilgynly is quite typical, for the reasons men­tioned at the beginning of the article, though such a change of proportions is certainly not con­siderable.

V. A. Kalinin (1992) with co-authors assumes that the formation of the breed, the middle-Asiatic sheep-dog, took place at that time but more finds are needed to clarify the history of the dog in Sout­hern Turkmenia.

И. В. Палагута. Системы расселения ранних земледельцев Карпато-Поднепровья: опыт изучения микрогрупп памятников культуры Триполье-Кукутени

Ilya V. Palaguta. Settlement Systems of Early Agriculturists in Carpato-Dnieper region: an experience of study of Tripolye-Cucuteni Sites Microgroups

The study of settlement systems is one of the perspective directions in current archaeology and this theme isn’t sufficiently devised for Tripolye-Cucuteni culture. The location of Tripolian sites in groups was explained as the result of hierarchic or mobile settling models. Both of the models might be proved by the analysis of ceramic assemblages of neighbouring sites which can reflect the chronological differences.

A settlement group of Tripolye BI/2 - Cucuteni A4 period near Chugur river valley in Northern Moldavia is the most explored at present. It includes six sites: Drutsa I, Drutsa VI, Duruitorea Noua I, Duruitorea Vechi, Varatic VI, Varatic XII. The distance between neighbouring sites is not more than 2–3 km. Three sites were excavated.

The ceramic assemblages of excavated sites reflect the typological changes of basic pottery group with relief decorations. These changes are: 1) the statistically fixable transformations of the incised to fluted and than to bichrome painted decoration and 2) the deconstruction of some ornamental compositions. The minimal chronological distance between settlements is confirmed by the coexistence of different types in the same assemblages. The following sequence of settlements were retraced in this group: Drutsa I (with the most archaic features), Duruitorea Noua I (Varatic XII, Varatic VI), Duruitorea Vechi (transitional to Cucuteni A-B period).

The similar chronological difference between neighbouring sites were also retraced in the settlement group of Tripolye BI-BII - Cucuteni A-B period in Solonets river valley in Central Moldavia.

Such investigations permit to reconstruct the formation of settlement groups as the result of the mobility of population. Every settlement usually has only one stratigraphic horizon which existed during 50–75 years. It gives the possibilities to reconstruct the duration of phases of Tripolye-Cucuteni culture.

Н. Н. Скакун, В. А. Тарасов. Магнитные методы при исследовании поселения трипольской культуры у с. Бодаки

N. N. Skakun, V. A. Tarasov. The Results of Magnetic Prospecting and Magnetic Susceptibility Measurements at the Bodaki Site

The article presents results of the application of exploration geophysics to investigations at the Tri­polian site Bodaki located in the Ternopol region of the Ukraine. The settlement is dated back to the Middle period of the Tripolian culture BII (IV^th millennium).

The area of the settlement is a tillage now, so the archaeological structures are buried and show no indications at the surface. Magnetometer surveys and magnetic susceptibility measurements were carried out to determine the settlement's borders and its general plan and to find separate archaeolo­gical structures. Remains of pise buildings (the so-called «ploshchadcas») typical of the known Tripo­lian settlements but not found until now was a spe­cial interest.

Proton and cesium magnetometers were used in the surveys with a sampling density 2 m in an area of about 4 ha. Magnetic anomalies were studied in detail. Portable susceptimeters were used to study soil samples taken by a drill. The magnetic survey data were processed and interpreted, using a soft­ware packages ARM-VIRG, developed by Dr. A. A. Popov (VIRG-Rudgeofizika) and SURFER.

As a result the main part of the settlement was outlined, where the most of local magnetic anoma­lies caused by archaeological objects concentrated. A 250 m long ditch like a horseshoe limited the settlement in the North was found. Building rema­ins make groups in two lines, approximately stretc­hing N-S. There are less structures in the center of the settlement than at its borders. Excavations sho­wed that the most intensive local magnetometer ano­malies (up to 250 nT) are caused by pise building's remains. Four pise building's remains have been excavated during that season. Its look like pits filled with soil and archaeological material and covered with burnt clay layers. In one of the buildings a two chamber oven was found distinctly seen in magne­tometer survey results like two anomalies located close to each other.

Most of the anomalies caused by semi-pit buil­dings and household pits are not higher than 15-20 nT. Magnetic susceptibility measurements of the soil samples from the different horizons of the pits allowed to study stratigraphy of the objects and dis­tinguish horizons, most saturated with organic re­mains and archaeological material.

Л. Б. Кирчо. Богатое погребение эпохи средней бронзы из Алтын-депе

В октябре 1998 г. международной группой исследователей производилась съёмка нового топографического плана поселения эпохи энеолита – средней бронзы Алтын-депе в Южном Туркменистане – одного из двух крупнейших памятников раннегородской цивилизации Средней Азии (Массон 1981). Работы проводились итальянскими и российскими археологами при участии туркменской стороны в рамках двусторонних соглашений о совместных научных исследованиях между Институтом Африки и Востока (Рим), ИИМК РАН (Санкт-Петербург) и Туркменским государственным университетом (Кирчо 1999: 458-459).

Во время обследования поверхности поселения в западной части Алтын-депе, была обнаружена современная грабительская яма, возле которой были собраны обломки трёх керамических сосудов и мелкие фрагменты раздавленных металлических предметов. Поверхностная зачистка выявила остатки прямоугольной сырцовой обкладки, ориентированной по линии северо-запад – юго-восток и имевшей внутри ширину около 1 м и длину не менее 1,3 м, внутри которой в двух местах обнаружены следы костей.

Для захоронений Алтын-депе эпохи бронзы в основном характерны ориентировка головой на северо-запад и положение тела погребенного либо скорченное, на правом боку, либо на спине с подогнутыми ногами. И в том, и в другом случае наиболее высоко по вертикали расположены голова и колени. Судя по всему, обнаруженные следы костей – это остатки черепа и коленного сочленения, а весь скелет лежал несколько глубже. Таким образом, можно предположить, что внутри сырцовой обкладки находились остатки тела погребённого, ориентированного головой на северо-запад, лежавшего с согнутыми в коленях ногами.

Зачистка дна грабительской ямы показала, что на возвышении стояли два небольших сосуда – сохранились отпечатки их нижних частей. Третий сосуд (плоское блюдо) находился чуть выше и лежал косо, почти на боку, так что часть его возвышалась над современной поверхностью и была разрушена дефляцией, что, видимо, и привлекло внимание грабителей. Металлические предметы находились рядом с сосудами и часть из них, возможно, лежала в плетёной корзинке или на циновке. По крайней мере, отпечатки плетёнки из органического материала прослежены на зеркале.

В состав сохранившейся части инвентаря предполагаемого захоронения входили светлоглиняные кубок и горшочек (рис. 1: 1, 2). Третий сосуд – серое чёрнополированное блюдо (рис. 1: 3), скорее всего, не имел прямого отношения к погребению. Такие блюда типичны для среднего и позднего этапов развития комплекса керамики периода Намазга V на Алтын-депе (Удеумурадов 1993: 45, тип IX, рис. 16, 1, 2, 4, 5), но до сих пор совершенно неизвестны в комплексе сероглиняной керамики, более характерной для эпохи поздней бронзы. По технологическим особенностям и деталям формы (выделенный венчик и прочерченное углубление на плоской поверхности венчика) блюдо относится к финальному комплексу керамики эпохи средней бронзы Алтын-депе.

Металлические предметы представлены: “лопаточкой” с плоским лезвием и утолщенным черенком (рис. 1: 4); круглым, чуть вогнутым, сильно деформированным зеркалом (рис. 1: 5); иглой с ушком (рис. 1: 6); булавкой с обломанным навершием (рис. 1: 7), овальным сосудом-чашечкой (рис. 1: 11); остатками двух накосников, свёрнутых в 1,5 оборота из проволоки (рис. 1: 9, 10) и обоймочкой в виде плоского кольца с заклёпкой внутри (рис. 1: 8). “Лопаточка” и булавка изготовлены из мышьяковистой бронзы (As = 1,1%), зеркало – из свинцово-мышьяковой (Pb = 0,6%, As = 6,3%), а игла – из свинцовистого серебра (Ag = более 50%).

Этот инвентарь, а также другие, отмеченные выше признаки предполагаемого захоронения находят прямые аналогии среди богатых захоронений финального этапа средней бронзы как на самом Алтын-депе, так и на памятниках долины Мургаба – Тахтабазарском могильнике (Удеумурадов 1993: 71-80; рис. 4) и могильнике Северного Гонур-депе (Salvatori 1993; 1994; 1995). Для этих захоронений характерно размещение инвентаря вокруг головы погребенного (рис. 2, 3), за исключением украшений и печатей, которые находились на теле.

На Алтын-депе такие погребения найдены либо на поверхности поселения (погребение 252), либо в самой верхней части заполнения помещений раскопа 9 (погребения 695, 721). Наиболее близки по составу инвентаря захоронению, найденному в 1998 г., погребения 252 (рис. 2, I: 1, 2, 4, 12, 13) и 721 (рис. 2, III: 4) Алтын-депе, а также погребение 37 Северного Гонур-депе В эту же группу входят так называемый “клад 2” на раскопе вышки Алтын-депе (рис. 2, IV: 1, 3, 4), предметы из которого теперь уверенно могут быть отнесены к инвентарю разрушенного захоронения, и погребение 9 Тахтабазарского могильника (рис. 4: 2).

Основные типы металлических предметов из богатых захоронений Южной Туркмении (зеркала, накосники, булавки, иглы и т. д.) находят близкие параллели в материалах памятников Ирана (Гиссар III, Шахдад, Шахри-Сохте). Однако так называемые “лопаточки” характерны только для южнотуркменистанских комплексов периода средней бронзы.

Анализ керамички материала показывает, что для погребений могильников долины Мургаба, характерно большое количество сосудов, включая и крупные сосуды для хранения запасов, в то время как на Алтын-депе в таких индивидуальных захоронениях представлено обычно по 2 небольших керамических сосуда. Кроме того, для могильника Северного Гонур-депе характерно и наличие чернолощёной керамики в комплексах захоронений (рис. 3: 7).

Кубок и горшочек, найденные в 1998 г., по своим типологическим особенностям могут быть отнесены к среднему этапу комплекса времени Намазга V. Кубок из захоронения 695 (функционально, видимо, аналогичный найденному в 1998 г.) имеет более стройные пропорции, оттянутый наружу венчик и плоское доформованное дно (рис. 2, II: 8). В состав инвентаря этого погребения входит миска с низким бортиком и дополнительно оформленным дном (рис. 2, II: 7), а также единственная на Алтын-депе печать со сквозным орнаментом (рис. 2, II: 1). И миска, и кубок, и техника изготовления печати полностью аналогичны материалам Северного Гонур-депе. Чуть более поздними, чем инвентарь погребения 1998 г., выглядят также флакон и зеркало с ручкой из погребения 252 (рис. 2, I: 1, 6).

Таким образом, учитывая состав и типологические особенности найденных предметов, а также то, что комплекс вещей был перекрыт блюдом, относящимся к финальному этапу развития комплекса времени Намазга V, можно считать, что в 1998 г. на Алтын-депе было найдено богатое женское захоронение среднего этапа эпохи средней бронзы (конец III тыс. до н. э.).

L. B. Kircho. A rich burial of the middle Bronze Age at Altyn-Depe

In October, 1988, an international research group carried out new topographical surveys at Altyn-Depe – a settlement dated to the Aeneolithic and middle Bronze Ages in southern Turkmenistan – one of the most significant sites of the early urban civilisation in Central Asia (Массон 1981). The works were fulfilled by Italian and Russian archaeologists with participation of Turkmenian colleagues within the framework of bilateral agreements on co-operative scientific studies between The Institute of Africa and the East (Rome), IIMK RAS (St.-Petersbourg) and the Turkmenian State University (Кирчо 1999: 458–459).

During the investigation of the surface at the western part of Altyn-Depe a modern robbers’ trench was found close to which fragments of three ceramic vessels and smaller fragments of crushed metal objects were gathered. Surface cleaning uncovered remains of a rectangular mud-brick wall-lining oriented northwest – southeast with the inner width of about 1 m and length of at least 1.3 m. Inside the walled area traces of bones were found in two places.

In general, an orientation of the deceased with head to northwest and either a contracted position on the right side or on the back with flexed legs are characteristic to the Bronze-Age burials at Altyn-Depe. In both cases the head and knees are located vertically the highest. Apparently, the bone traces revealed were the remains of the skull and knee-joint while the whole skeleton was lying somewhat lower. Thus, one may suppose that surrounded by the mud-brick wall there were remains of a deceased oriented with his head to the northwest and lying with his legs flexed in knees.

Cleaning of the floor of the robbers’ trench showed that there had been two small vessels standing on a raised platform – the imprints of their lower parts were preserved. Slightly higher there was a third vessel (flat dish) lying obliquely – almost on its side – so that some part of it had been raised above the modern surface and destroyed by deflation thus evidently having attracted the attention of the robbers. The metal objects were near the vessels and part of them possibly had been lying in a wicker basket or on a mat. The imprints of an organic wicker could be traced in the surface cut.

The preserved part of the supposed grave inventory included a goblet and a small pot of light-coloured clay (fig. 1: 1, 2). The third vessel – a grey black-polished dish (fig. 1: 3) possibly was not directly connected with the burial. Such dishes are typical to the middle and late stages of the development of the ceramic complex dating to Namazga V period at Altyn-Depe (Удеумурадов 1993: 45, type IX, fig. 16, 1, 2, 4, 5) but they are still wholly unknown in the complex of grey pottery more typical to the late Bronze Age. According to its technological peculiarities and shape particulars the fish belongs to the final ceramic complex dating to the middle Bronze-Age at Altyn-Depe.

The metal objects included a “shovel” with a flat blade and a thickened shaft (fig. 1: 4); a round and slightly concave mirror badly deformed (fig. 1: 5); an eyed needle (fig. 1: 6); a pin with its top broken off (fig. 1: 7); an ovoid small cup (fig. 1: 11); remains of two pendants hair-rings of wire turned with 1.5 twists (fig. 1: 9, 10) and a clip shaped like a flat ring with a rivet inside (fig. 1: 8). The “shovel” and pin are made of arsenical bronze (1.1% of As), the mirror is of lead and arsenic one (Pb = 0,6%, As = 6,3%), and the needle of lead-containing silver (over 50% of Ag).

These objects as well as the other mentioned peculiarities of the supposed burial find direct parallels among rich graves dating to the final period of the Bronze Age both at Altyn-Depe proper and at sites in the Murghab Vale and the Takhtabazar cemetery (Удеумурадов 1993: 71-80; fig. 4) and at the cemetery of Gonur-Depe (Salvatori 1993; 1994; 1995). To those graves the location of the goods around the head of the deceased is typical (fig. 2, 3) with the exception of adornments and seals which were placed on the body.

At Altyn-Depe similar burials have been found either on the surface of the settlement (grave 252) or in the uppermost part of the room fillings in Excavation 9 (graves 695, 721). The closest to the burial discovered in 1998 in terms of the composition of their grave inventories are graves no. 252 (fig. 2, I: 1, 2, 4, 12, 13) and no. 721 (fig. 2, III: 4) at Altyn-Depe, as well as grave 37 at Northern Gonur-Depe (fig. 3: 10, 11, 16, 21, 24, 25). This group includes also the so-called “hoard 2” found on the Tower Mound at Altyn-Depe (fig. 2, IV: 1, 3, 4) which contained objects now undoubtedly attributed to a destroyed grave, and grave 9 at the Takhtabazar cemetery (fig. 4: 2).

The main types of metal objects from rich burials in southern Turkmenia (mirrors, hair-rings, pins, needles, etc.) have found close parallels among materials from different sites in Iran (Hissar III, Shakhdad, Shahr-i Sokhta). The so-called “shovels”, however, are peculiar only to the South-Turkmenian complexes dating to the middle Bronze Age.

The consideration of the ceramic materials showed that to the burials in the Murghab Vale a great number of pottery types including large vessels for storing are common while at Altyn-Depe, in similar individual graves, usually only two rather small ceramic vessels are represented. In addition, to the cemetery of Northern Gonur-Depe also the presence of black-polished pottery in the burial sets is typical (fig. 3: 7).

The goblet and small pot found in 1998 according to their typological features may be assigned to the middle stage of the complex of Namazga V period. The goblet from grave 695 (evidently similar in functionality to the one found in 1998) has slenderer proportions, an outturned rim and a flat additionally shaped bottom (fig. 2, II: 8). The grave goods from that burial included a bowl with a low wall and additionally shaped bottom (fig. 2, II: 7) and the single seal with a perforated decoration found at Altyn-Depe (fig. 2, II: 1). Both the bowl and goblet, as well as the manufacturing technique of the seal, are completely similar to the materials from Northern Gonur-Depe. The flask and the mirror with handle from grave 252 (fig. 2, I: 1, 6) seem slightly later than the grave goods found in 1998.

Thus, taking into consideration the composition and typological features as well as the fact that the set of goods was covered with a dish belonging to the final stage of the development of the complex of Namazga V period, we may assume that it was a rich woman’s grave dating to the middle Bronze Age (late 3rd millennium B.C.) that was found in 1998.

А. Самзун. Стадия III в Мергархе (Пакистан): ее особенности и возможные параллели с памятниками Южного Тукменистана

A. Samzun. The Period III of Megrharh Pakistan. Observations if its Characteristics and possible Comparisons with Sites of Southern Turkmenistan

If relations and interactions have been clearly re­lated and evidenced between Central Asia and particularly Southern Turkmenistan and Baluchis­tan, during the Bronze Age period and later peri­ods, the situation is different concerning more an­cient stages (Early Chalcolithic) for which contacts between the two areas have not been clearly evi­denced.

Mehrgarh in Baluchistan, in Kachi plain, at the foot of the Bolan Pass, has been excavated during eleven seasons and represents in fact a cluster of overlapping sites spread over an area of more than two hundred hectares. The excavations carried out in a large scale by the French Archaeological Mis­sion directed by J. -F. Jarrige and in collaboration with the Department of Archaeology of Pakistan, had allowed to establish a chronological sequence covering at least five millenia from the eighth to the third millenium B. C.. The area corresponding to period III extends over one hundred hectares. This third stage follows the aceramic and protoce­ramic Neolithic and is dated from the main part of the fifth millenium and the very beginning of the fourth.

From 1977 to 1985, excavations in Mehrgarh III area had led us to reveal different types of remains, such as mud-brick architectures, consisting of a large area with clusters of compartmented buil­dings, which were used as storage units, a quarter of dwelling houses, whose rooms were not very large and not regularly laid-out, a potters kiln sec­tor, specialized craftmanship areas connected with the work of semi-precious stones, sea-shell and metallurgy, as well as a large graveyard showing an important density of individual burials and one col­lective burial only partly excavated.

Nevertheless, this is mainly with the help of ce­ramic which very abundant, right from the begin­ning of Early Chalcolithic in Mehrgarh, that we re­fined and established a proper chronology of period III. Therefore, we subdivided it in three phases. For the first one, phase IIIA, it has been noticed a rather important increasing of the ceramic, compa­red with the previous stage at Mehrgarh (period II, ceramic Neolithic) and the presence of painted ce­ramic. However, the motifs are not varied, consis­ting of criss-crossed lines, spots, painted on any part of the vase and never included into V registers (fig. 1). The most elaborated ornament for this phase consists of a square made of criss-crossed li­nes and having at each angle of it, concentric lines.

During the phase IIIB, it is particularly in the fi­eld of the decoration and iconographic themes, that the improvements of the potters are the most striking: this is the beginning and the development of both, figurative and geometrical motifs.

There are many examples of various geometrical figures often combined together and/or with figura­tive themes (fig. 2) to give more complex and ela­borated designs. For the last phase, Mehrgarh IIIC, it seems that pottery is produced in large quantities (but we evidenced for this stage the potters working area including the kilns, which obviously provided a much bigger quantity of sherds): proportionally, more vases are decorated (about 40% of the pro­duction, and only 20% for period IIIA and about 30% for the phase IIIB). If a few motifs subsist, some of them totally disappear, change and evolve.

Other samples have geometrical motifs which are more delicately painted than in the previous pha­ses. It is also interesting to notice that some of the decorations show a sort of prefiguration of themes which will be frequent in the following periods of Baluchistan. For example, the floral motif decora­ting the inside base of large plates or dishes. More­over, we find at the very end of period III, the ten­dency to bichromy, which consists of alternating the colour of the paste and the usual red paint.

Nevertheless, it is noteworthy to stress that, ex­cept the evolution and increase of the iconographic themes throughout period III, this ceramic is, from the beginning of it, as far as the technology is con­cerned, remarkably homogeneous and seem obvious­ly to belong to local tradition. About 70% of the po­ttery is wheel-turned, the texture of the paste is very fine, often of buff colour but also reddish or orange. From the beginning too, the vases are often covered with a bright red slip and the motifs are always pain­ted in brown colour. The potters marks appear also during this period, though not very often.

Except at the very end of the Early Chalcolithic, the shapes of the vases are not various and mainly consist of large open bowls, of pots of various sizes, and jars. Moreover, for the last phase, two excepti­onal vases were found, the former is a pot of small size, whose base has been perforated and closed with a lid of bitumen, the latter is a conch-shell like painted and incised vase of type «Askos»: the use of these objects is unknown.

The domestic coarse ware is as well homogeneous, even if there are some changes throughout period III: for instance, the basket marked ware is typical from the first two phases but totally disappear after. The proto wet ware (a type of ceramic with friezes of digi­tal imprints made on a wet paste) appears in phase IIIB, continues in phase IIIC, but does not exist any more for the following periods in Mehrgarh.

The other artifacts in terracotta are the most nu­merous and various and compared with previous periods at Mehrgarh, there is an increasing produc­tion of clay items. The animal figurines are present in good number, baked and unbaked and were particularly numerous in the potters kilns area, where they were probably baked. They mainly con­sist of sheep, goats, and zebus. In phase IIIC, they are often painted and parts like horns and humps are, in most of the cases, carefully made.

Therefore, the extreme scarcity of the human figu­rine for this period (only one recovered) is difficult to explain, since anthropomorphic figurines were not rare in Mehrgarh during Neolithic periods I and II and were quite numerous after the third period. Also in baked or unbaked clay, a good deal of balls incised on the surface and several «rattles», painted and inci­sed, sometimes both, have been evidenced. Due to the lack of possible comparisons, it is difficult to exp­lain the use of such objects.

Thus, the third period of Mehrgarh is characteri­sed by significant technological changes and the most important aspect is probably the high degree of specialisation of craftmanship. Possible compari­sons can be made with the sites of Eastern Iran (Si­alk I and II), Mundigak in Afghanistan (Mundigak, 1, 1-3) but also with those of Central Asia.

Characteristics of the ceramic of the Early chalco­lithic settlements of Southern Turkmenia (Namazga I and II) and comparisons with the pottery of Ba­luchistan. The Namazga I period, which took place during a long time, according to I. N. Khlopin (Хлопин 1965), probably during the whole fifth muillenium B. C. is still badly known, in spite of many surveyed sites corresponding to this period. The Namazga II phase would be contemporaneous to the first half of the fourth millenium. For these two stages, shapes of the vases are not various with large open bowls. The ceramic is hand made and the wheel turn only occurs at the end of Namazga III.

As far as iconographic themes and decorations on the ceramic of the settlements of Central Asia are concerned, we can evidence a common repertory of geometrical designs (triangles, losanges, circles) and in particular, the occurence of the motif consisting in two friezes of triangles whose base is opposed (the «Quetta» design). The figurative motifs, though rat­her rare before the Namazga III period, show simi­larities with the contemporaneous sites of Baluchis­tan: friezes of caprids, birds with the motif of the eagle (which also appears in period Mehrgarh IIIC), associated with geometrical motifs, as well as one example of anthropomorphic design at Yalangach-Depe. Floral and vegetal designs are rarely represen­ted in Baluchistan during the Early Chalcolithic, but frequently met in Southern Turkmenia.

This rapid summary of the ceramic of these two cul­tural clusters allows to notice a common catalogue of decorations on the ceramic between Central Asia and the Baluchistan and probably a technological advance in Baluchistan where the pottery is wheel turned.

В. А. Кисель, "…он привязал к бедру кинжал..." (об одном из способов ношения клинкового оружия)

На многих памятниках искусства Ахеменидской державы запечатлены представители Ирана и Средней Азии VI – IV вв. до н.э., вооруженные короткими мечами — акинаками. Как правило, показано, что ножны акинаков у воинов подвешены к поясу и привязаны к ноге над коленом (Ghirshman 1964: ill. 228, 231, 232, 240, 254, 255, 258, 259; Луконин 1977: ил. на с. 72, 76; Зеймаль 1979: кат. 48; Горелик 1985: табл. 1, 2; Горелик 1993: табл. X 1-5, 18, 19; Collon 1995: Fig. 187) (рис. 1). Такой способ крепления оружия позволял быстро обнажить оружие одной рукой без помощи другой руки. По мнению ряда специалистов, именно древний Иран является местом зарождения этого приема (Мелюкова 1964: 63; Шкурко 1969: 35; Виноградов 1972: 115-116). Другие же исследователи считают, что только кочевники могли его изобрести (Кубарев 1981: 52).

Наиболее ранние монументальные памятники древних кочевников – оленные камни, – представляющие схему фигуры вооруженного человека, не позволяют говорить о каком-либо единственном общем способе ношения клинкового оружия. На них мечи и кинжалы изображены спереди (Кубарев 1979: табл. III 4, IX 1; Грязнов 1980: рис. 29: 13; Савинов 1994: табл. VI 5, 8, VII 1, VIII 1-3, 5-8, IX 2, 8, 9, X 2-4, XI 3), на левом (Кубарев 1979: табл. I; Грязнов 1980: рис. 23: 3; Савинов 1994: табл. VII 5, VIII 12, X 1, 3) и правом (Савинов 1994: табл. IV 7, V 4, VII 5) боку. Пожалуй, преобладало размещение оружия на поясе спереди. Археологическая ситуация погребальных комплексов также не дает веских доказательств существования у азиатских кочевников устойчивого обычая крепления мечей и кинжалов к бедру. Несмотря на это, все-таки нельзя признать Иран родиной этой традиции, поскольку наиболее характерная деталь ахеменидских ножен – богато орнаментированная бутероль – по декору восходит к образу свернувшегося кошачьего хищника скифского звериного стиля (Переводчикова 1983: 97–99). На сегодняшний день самая древняя находка подобного наконечника ножен была сделана в кургане, располагавшегося близ х. Степного в Гудермесском районе Чечни (Виноградов 1974: 259, рис. 1). По конструктивным особенностям меча, найденного там же, наконечник можно датировать концом VIII – серединой VII в. до н.э. (Техов 1980: 58; Махортых 1991: 56-57). Необходимо отметить, что среди всего собрания типологически сходных бутеролей только этот предмет и наконечник, обнаруженный в кургане близ с. Нартан в Кабардино-Балкарии, выполнены с полным соблюдением традиций скифского искусства (рис. 5). Остальные же являются репликами местных мастеров – представителей оседлых культур, работавших по заказу кочевников. Все вещи стилистически и хронологически разделяются на группы:

I – продукция ремесленников Кавказа: находки у с. Рук, Фаскау из Тлийского могильника (Техов 1980: 33, 35, 39-41, рис. 12: 6, 14: 1,5, 19: 2,3, 23: 1,2,4,5; Ильинская, Тереножкин 1983: 33, рис. 1, 2, 4, 5, с. 45, рис. 3). Датировка: около VII - начала VI в. до н.э. (рис. 6).

II – изделия ближневосточных мастеров: IIа - находки из Зивие, Кармир-Блура, Сард (Ghirshman 1964: ill. 157; Пиотровский 1970: ил. 96; Сорокин 1978: 186, рис. 7). Датировка: первая половина VII в. до н.э. (рис. 7). IIб – иранские образцы и их провинциальные копии (Литвинский, Пичикян 1981: 102, рис. 7; Переводчикова 1983: 97, рис. 1,4-9). Датировка: V в. до н.э. (рис. 9).

III – предметы неясного происхождения: находки из с. Дарьевки и Старшой Могилы в Поднепровье (Шкурко 1969: 32, рис. 1, 2; Ильинская 1971: 69, рис. 2: 5, с. 73, рис. 5: 6). Датировка: вторая половина VII в. до н.э. (рис. 8).

Возможно, в качестве конструктивной детали, способствующей креплению ножен к бедру, использовались и наконечники в виде головы хищной птицы, относящиеся ко второй половине VII - VI в. до н.э. (Виноградов 1972: 144-146, рис. 28: 1,11; Халиков 1977: рис. 63: 4; Техов 1980: рис. 18: 2,3; Ильинская, Мозолевский, Тереножкин 1980: 42, рис. 11: 5-7, рис. 12: 2; Патрушев 1984: рис. 48: 25; Погребова, Раевский 1992: рис. 19; Горелик 1993: табл. XI 32; Козенкова 1996: рис. 37: 6,9,10,12) (рис. 10).

Некоторые скифские каменные изваяния, вероятно, могут служить подтверждением бытования в раннескифском обществе обычая привязывать клинковое оружие к ноге (Ольховский, Евдокимов 1994: 73, ил. 1 №1, ил. 40 №73, ил. 51 №86, ил. 76 №127, ил. 77 №128, ил. 87 №149; Дашевская, Лордкипанидзе 1995: рис. 1) (рис. 4). В.Б. Виноградов, проанализировав находки бутеролей на Кавказе, пришел к выводу, что данные детали ножен были наиболее распространены среди аборигенного населения, а не пришлых кочевников северокавказских степей (Виноградов 1972: 115). Это действительно так. Но появление на Кавказе ножен, приспособленных для привязывания к ноге, фиксируется только со времени проникновения туда скифов. Впоследствии ножны такой конструкции, наряду с самим акинаком и специфическим способом ношения, распространились на территории Ближнего Востока, Поднепровья и Поволжья.

Сами скифы сравнительно быстро отказались от данного способа ношения акинака и с середины VI – V в. до н.э. стали подвешивать его к поясу спереди. Хотя в IV-III вв. до н.э. намечается возвращение к старой традиции (Ольховский, Евдокимов 1994:73).

Второй этап истории развития исследуемой традиции связан с сарматской эпохой. Сарматские воины видоизменили “скифский” тип ножен, появилась новая конструкция (рис. 12). Также был изменен и способ крепления. Теперь оружие привязывалось к ноге в двух местах, иногда даже без подвески к поясу (рис. 2 бв, 11). “Сарматский” тип ножен в конце I тыс. до н.э. проник в Парфию, Бактрию, Иран, Сирию и Армению (Хазанов 1971: 27; Кубарев 1981: 51). Воины, носящие мечи и кинжалы в таких ножнах, изображены на целом ряде памятников искусства (Seyring 1937: Pl. I; Хазанов 1971: табл. XVI 2; Луконин 1977: ил. на с. 142, 165; Zuyev, Ismagilov 1994: 55, рис. I; Collon 1995: Fig. 159; Weihrauch...l996: Kat. 83). Этот тип просуществовал приблизительно до конца IV в. н.э.

Таким образом, прослеживаются два культурных импульса на Ближний Восток, принесших традицию ношения клинкового оружия, привязанным к бедру. Оба раза отправной точкой явились кочевнические объединения. Все же, судя по эпизодичности применения скифами такого способа ношения акинака, можно усомниться в том, что он зародился в их среде. По всей видимости, это было заимствование. Косвенным подтверждением служат данные этнографии. Согласно этнографическим источникам, Mansi, Khanty, Nganasan, Dolgan, Ket, Enets, North – Yakut, West – Evenki,Yukagir, Chukchi, the Amur peoples крепили ножи, подвешивая их к поясу и привязывая к бедру (Попов 1948: 110, рис. 58; Антропова 1957: 196, рис. 14; Чернецов 1957: табл. VIII 2, с. 159; Алексеенко 1967: 52-53; Василевич 1969: 64; Гурвич 1977: 41, рис. III; Федорова 1994: 145, 221). Современное же население Ближнего Востока, а также тюркоязычные кочевые народы такого приема не практикуют.

В качестве предварительной гипотезы можно высказать предположение, что местом зарождения традиции явились районы расселения некоторых древних таежных племен Сибири. Эти племена охотников и рыболовов передали данный прием крепления оружия скифам, а затем и сарматам, причем с последними они, вероятно, находились в долговременных контактах или же частично входили в сарматское культурное объединение.

V. A. Kisel’. “... He tied the poniard to his hip...” (on a way of carrying blade weapons)

Many art objects from the Achaemenian Empire bear representations of warriors, natives of Iran and Central Asia of the 6th–4th century B.C., armed with short swords – acinaces. As a rule the scabbards of the acinaces are depicted as hung to the belts of the warriors and tied to the leg above their knees (Ghirshman 1964: ill. 228, 231, 232, 240, 254, 255, 258, 259; Луконин 1977: figs. on pp. 72, 76; Зеймаль 1979: cat. 48; Горелик 1985: plates 1, 2; Горелик 1993: plate X 1–5, 18, 19; Collon 1995: Fig. 187) (fig. 1). Such a way of fixing the weapon enabled it to be unsheathed quickly with one hand without help of the other. To the opinion of some scholars it was in the ancient Iran that this method originated (Мелюкова 1964: 63; Шкурко 1969: 35; Виноградов 1972: 115–116). Other investigators believe that only nomads could have invented it (Кубарев 1981: 52).

The deer stones – the earliest monuments left by ancient nomads which represent a schematic figure of an armed man, – do not indicate any single and common way of carrying blade weapons. There, swords and daggers are depicted at the front (Кубарев 1979: plate III 4, IX 1; Грязнов 1980: Fig. 29: 13; Савинов 1994: plate VI 5, 8, VII 1, VIII 1–3, 5–8, IX 2, 8, 9, X 2–4, XI 3), on the left (Кубарев 1979: plate I; Грязнов 1980: Fig. 23: 3; Савинов 1994: plate VII 5, VIII 12, X 1, 3) or right side (Савинов 1994: plate IV 7, V 4, VII 5). It seems that the frontal location of the weapon at the belt prevailed. The archaeological contexts of burial assemblages also give no solid evidence of a stable custom of fixing swords and daggers at thigh. Nevertheless one cannot consider Iran as the homeland of this tradition since the most peculiar part of the Achaemenian scabbard — a richly decorated bouterolle (scabbard plate) — goes back to the image of a coiled up feline predators of the Scythian animal style (Переводчикова 1983: 97–99). At present the earliest similar scabbard point was found at a barrow situated near the farm of Stepnoy in the Gudermes Region of Chechnya (Виноградов 1974: 259, fig. 1). In terms of the design peculiarities of the sword found in the same place the scabbard point may be dated to the late 8th or middle 7th century B.C. (Техов 1980: 58; Махортых 1991: 56-57). It should be noted that of the whole collection of typologically similar bouterolles only this object and the point found in a kurgan near the village of Nartan in Kabardino-Balkaria are executed in the strict observance of Scythian art traditions (fig. 5). All the other are replicas made by local artisans – representatives of settled cultures – who performed orders of some nomads. All these objects in terms of their stylistics and chronology are divided into several groups:

I – products of Caucasus craftsmen: objects found near the village of Ruk and Faskau in the Tliyskiy cemetery (Техов 1980: 33, 35, 39-41, fig. 12: 6, 14: 1,5, 19: 2,3, 23: 1,2,4,5; Ильинская, Тереножкин 1983: 33, figs. 1, 2, 4, 5, с. 45, fig. 3). Dating: about the 7th or beginning of the 6th century B.C. (fig. 6).

II – objects made by Asia Minor craftsmen: IIа – finds from Zivie, Karmir-Blour, Sardis (Ghirshman 1964: ill. 157; Пиотровский 1970: ill. 96; Сорокин 1978: 186, fig. 7). Dating: first half of the 7th century B.C. (fig. 7). IIб – Iranian samples and their provincial imitations (Литвинский, Пичикян 1981: 102, fig. 7; Переводчикова 1983: 97, fig. 1,4-9). Dating: the 5th century B.C. (fig. 9).

III – objects of an undefined origin: finds from the village of Dar’evka and Starshaya Mogila in the Dnieper area (Шкурко 1969: 32, fig. 1, 2; Ильинская 1971: 69, fig. 2: 5, p. 73, fig. 5: 6). Dating: the second half of the 7th century B.C. (fig. 8).

Possibly, the sheath points in form of a bird of prey dating to the last half of the 7th or 6th century B.C. (Виноградов 1972: 144–146, fig. 28: 1,11; Халиков 1977: fig. 63: 4; Техов 1980: fig. 18: 2,3; Ильинская, Мозолевский, Тереножкин 1980: 42, fig. 11: 5–7, fig. 12: 2; Патрушев 1984: fig. 48: 25; Погребова, Раевский 1992: fig. 19; Горелик 1993: plate XI 32; Козенкова 1996: fig. 37: 6,9,10,12) also served to facilitate fixing of the scabbard to thigh (fig. 10).

It seems that some Scythian stone sculptures may confirm the existence in the early Scythian society of a custom of tying blade weapons to leg (Ольховский, Евдокимов 1994: 73, ill. 1 no. 1, ill. 40 no. 73, ill. 51 no. 86, ill. 76 no. 127, ill. 77 no. 128, ill. 87 no. 149; Дашевская, Лордкипанидзе 1995: fig. 1) (fig. 4). V. B. Vinogradov having considered all finds of bouterolles in Caucasus came to a conclusion that these scabbard components were most widespread among the aboriginal population and not among the alien nomads of North-Caucasus steppes (Виноградов 1972: 115). This is really so. But the appearance of scabbards designed for tying to leg is attested in Caucasus only in the time of the penetration of Scythians there. Later, sheathes of such a design along with the acinaces itself and the peculiar way of carrying them became common in the Near East, Dnieper and Volga areas.

Scythians proper gave up this way of carrying acinaces rather early and since the middle of the 6th or 5th century B.C. began to hang them at the belt in front of them. In the 4th or 3rd century B.C., though, the old tradition tends to be resumed (Ольховский, Евдокимов 1994:73).

The second stage in the history of the development of the tradition under consideration is connected with the Sarmatian period. Sarmatian warriors modified the “Scythian” type of scabbard; a new design appeared (fig. 12). The way of fixing also was modified. Now the weapon was tied to leg at two places, sometimes even without hanging it to the belt (fig. 2 бв, 11). In the end of the 1st millennium B.C. the “Sarmatian” type of scabbard penetrated to Parthia, Bactria, Iran, Syria and Armenia (Хазанов 1971: 27; Кубарев 1981: 51). Quite a number of objects of art depict warriors carrying swords and daggers in such scabbards (Seyring 1937: Pl. I; Хазанов 1971: plate XVI 2; Луконин 1977: ill. on p. 142, 165; Zuev, Ismagilov 1994: 55, fig. I; Collon 1995: Fig. 159; Weihrauch...l996: Kat. 83). This type had existed till about the end of the 4th century B.C.

Thus two cultural impulses to the Middle East which brought with them the tradition of carrying blade weapons tied to thigh may be traced. In both cases some nomadic unions were the starting points. Nevertheless, as one may judge by the sporadic use of this way of carrying acinaces by Scythians it is doubtful that it could originate in their medium. Evidently it was a borrowing. Evidences of ethnography indirectly confirm this supposition. According to ethnographical sources, Mansi, Khanty, Nganasan, Dolgan, Ket, Enets, North – Yakut, West – Evenki, Yukagirs, Chukchi, the Amur peoples fixed daggers hanging them at belt and tying to thigh (Попов 1948: 110, fig. 58; Антропова 1957: 196, fig. 14; Чернецов 1957: plate VIII 2, p. 159; Алексеенко 1967: 52–53; Василевич 1969: 64; Гурвич 1977: 41, fig. III; Федорова 1994: 145, 221). However the modern population of the Middle East, as well as Turkic-speaking nomadic peoples do not practise this technique.

As a tentative hypothesis we may suppose that the place of origin of this tradition was the regions of settling of some ancient taiga tribes of Siberia. These tribes of hunters and fishers passed this way of fixing weapons to Scythians and later to Sarmatians being with the latter possibly in long-termed contacts or partly being included in the Sarmatian cultural union.

Ю. А. Виноградов, Д. И. Фоняков. Коллекция металлических предметов с Ягорлыцкого поселения

Yu. Vinogradov, D. Fonyakov. The collection of metal objects from the settlement of Yagorlyk

The collection of metal objects from Yagorlyk settlement gathered by G. N. Shcherbin was sent by him around 1970s to famous scythologist P. N. Schultz. Now the collection belongs to the Institute for the History of Material Culture, St. Petersburg.

The collection contains 26 bronze arrowheads (fig. 1), three pieces of nailshaped pins (fig. 2: 1–3), a fragment of bronze earring, six lead spindle-whorls and six lead wheel-shaped rings (fig. 3: 1–4).

The settlement of Yagorlyk situated in the mouth of the Dnieper came to light for scholars due to the collections of metal, glass and ceramic objects picked up from its surface. The settlement is of special interest as an example of an industrial centre of the early period of Greek colonisation in the Lower Dnieper area. According to the type of Greek pottery found here the settlement was dated to about 630–550 B.C. (Рубан 1983).

In general there are no doubts that Yagorlyk craftsmen produced goods mainly for local barbarian market (Островерхов 1978, 1981; Ольговский 1981; Сон 1987) but some problems concerned with these objects still remain. The main is that the list of products does not follow the usual set of metal finds from early Scythian sites. Even if one admits the possibility that the production of Yagorlyk craftsmen was small in number and practically dissolved among issues of other industrial centres, the variety of goods made here is rather special.

Except for bronze arrowheads and nailshaped pins very typical for Scythia the other objects are not so usual for the northern Black Sea region. The spiral-shaped earrings made of bronze wire and iron arrowheads are more common in Romania as well as the Hallstatt-like arrowheads are typical for the area still farther to the west.

Several bronze “astragal-shaped” badges also were found at the settlement. They are parts of so-called “astragal-shaped” belts well known among Hallstatt time finds in Illyria and Pannonia. The bronze model of double-edged axe “labrice” (fig. 2: 10) is of great interest as well as iron fragments of probably similar axes. It is well known that small models of double edged axes are usual in Greece and up to the North as far as Illyria, Thracia and Transylvania. For the chains and fibulae (fig. 2: 4,7) there are good parallels also in the West but not in Caucasus contrary to what Ostroverkhov writes. Bronze badge as part of horse harness (fig. 2: 11) connects Yagorlyk not only with Scythian area but probably with a vaster realm. Such objects are usual at many Hallstatt sites in Europe and are especially highly concentrated at the South of Germany.

Considering the variety of objects made in Yagorlyk’s workshops we must say that the local craftsmen followed not only local Scythian traditions but were influenced also by Transylvania, Pannonia and even Illyria. We agree with A. S. Ostroverkhov that metal trade here was the business of Thracians and that Greek craftsmen living here manufactured articles of Thracian types; however, his explanation does not exhaust the problem.

It seems that the Northern Black Sea shores in Greek times were subdivided into some special areas according to the monetary traditions, building techniques in Greek towns etc. and also according to the degree of dependence of the area from the adjacent Barbarian population (Шелов 1967; Брашинский 1970; Марченко 1992).

Workshops of the settlement of Yagorlyk situated at the easternmost boundary of the North-Western Black Sea area – actually in the centre of Scythia – produced their manufactures following traditions of local barbarian poliethnic and multicultural population living in close contact with Greek dwellings. It is highly probable that the local Greek craftsmen manufactured an universal set of goods in order to satisfy different groups of Barbarians. This set possibly changed after making a better knowledge of a local market or after migration of the craftsmen to another area but still this set of articles remained a rather special one as the 6th century B.C. settlement of Yagorlyk has clearly shown.

А. С. Русяева. Курганы Ольвии как символ ее славы и сакральной охраны

Курганы на некрополе Ольвии в сравнительно большом количестве появляются в раннеэллинистический период. Это было время ее наивысшего экономического и культурного расцвета, наступившего вскоре после осады города войском Зопириона. Согласно А.Н. Карасеву, большие курганы группировались преимущественно вдоль дорог по периметру некрополя на его границах со степью. Такая рационально продуманная их топография дает возможность считать, что они являлись не только обычными надгробными насыпями, но также служили дозорными пунктами к контрольными постами на дорогах при подступах к городу. Крупные курганы в Ольвии по существу совпадают с введением в погребальной ритуале такого важного элемента, как помещение умершего в каменный склеп, который по своей форме и плану нередко напоминал однокамерное жилище или даже примитивный антовый храмик, что в своей совокупности отвечало эллинским религиозным представлениям о сакральной героизации в них похороненных. Не отрицая в целом социальный фактор в таком нововведении, в нем необходимо усматривать и сотерические цели. Возведение первых крупных курганов совпадает с учреждением государственных декретов в честь особенно заслуженных граждан. Не исключено, что отличившиеся в борьбе с войском Зопириона и погибшие были возведены в ранг героев и похоронены всей гражданской общиной по специальному решению народного собрания. Над их могилами в отдалении от города были сооружены первые большие курганы, которые можно было возвести при наличии значительного количества людей. Из такого возвеличивания обычно происходила героизация и сакрализация личности. Основной их причиной была традиционная вера в силу умершего героя, якобы способного предотвращать всевозможные беды и после смерти. Апофеоз в значении прославления, героизации отдельной личности в Ольвии нашел свое прекрасное завершение в лице Каллисфена, сына Каллисфена, который, если и не в полной мере, получил культ, выраженный в присвоении ему звания “отец города”, а также в признании того, что он был воспитан “божественным провидением”. Скорее всего, что именно он был похоронен в начале III в. н.э. под “Зевсовым” курганом. В силу разных причин, вызванных в основном внешнеполитической обстановкой и стремлением рационального осмысления всесторонней защиты отечества, с целью воспитания патриотизма ольвиополиты отдавали большую дань уважения отличившимся гражданам. Их прославляли в почетных декретах и хоронили как героев, увенчивая золотыми венками, в подобающем для такого случая подземном “жилище-храме” со всеми аксессуарами, где высокий курган играл роль алтаря, а в более широком значении и полисно-сакрального эпотропея. Со времен Гомера он мыслился как незыблемо вечный памятник. Следует ли в возрождении этой древнейшей формы надгробного памятника в Ольвии в эллинистический период усматривать непосредственное влияние кочевых скифов, как ближайших соседей, сказать точно невозможно. Бесспорно, ольвиополиты не могли не знать о существовании в Степи высоких курганов. Поэтому вряд ли стоит исключать, что в определенной степени введению в Ольвии старинного эллинского обычая насыпать над могилой героя курган способствовало и это знание. Все известные сейчас материалы о курганах Ольвии дают право лишь наметить отдельные вопросы о развитии погребального культа во взаимосвязи с данными надгробными сооружениями и трансформаций в этом направлении религиозного мировоззрений ее населения от времени зопирионовской осады до вхождения в состав Римской империи.

A. S. Rusyaeva. Barrows of Olbia as a symbol of its glory and sacral protection

Kurgans appeared in a considerable number on the necropolis of Olbia in the early Hellenistic period. It was during the economical and cultural peak in the city’s history that started after its siege by the army of Zopirion. According to A. N. Karasev large kurgans were concentrated mostly along the roads running at the perimeter of the necropolis and along its boundaries with the steppe. Such topography so rationally thought-out suggests that these barrows were not only the usual burial mounds but served also as watch-towers and checkpoints on the roads near approaches to the city. Large kurgans at Olbia are actually simultaneous to the introduction of such important element into the burial rite as putting the dead into stone vaults which in their form and plan often resembled one-chamber dwelling or even a small primitive anta temple. These features taken together corresponded to the Hellenic religious conceptions of the sacral heroisation of the dead buried in such tombs. Without disputing in general the social factor in such an innovation one should discern also soteric purposes in it. Erection of the first large barrows coincided with the issue of state decrees in honour of especially distinguished citizens. It is possible that those of the killed who had distinguished themselves during the struggle with the army of Zopirion were raised into the rank of heroes according to a special decree of the People’s Assembly. First large barrows were built on their graves at some distance from the city. The construction of the barrows must have demanded the presence of a considerable number of people. Such glorification was usually followed by heroisation and sacralisation of a person. The main reason of this was the traditional belief in the power of a dead hero who was supposed to be able even after his death to prevent various mischief. Apotheosis in the sense of glorification or heroisation of an individual has found in Olbia its excellent completion in the person of Callisthenes the son of Callisthenes. He acquired, if not in its complete form, a cult which was expressed in conferring to him the title of “the Father of the City” and the recognition of the fact that he had been brought up by “the Divine Providence”. Most probably it was this person who was buried beneath the “Zeus’” Barrow. By force of various reasons caused mainly by the foreign political situation and a tendency to consider rationally the defence problem, Olbiapolitans paid much homage to the citizens who had distinguished themselves in order to cultivate the patriotism. These persons were being glorified in honorary decrees and buried as heroes crowned with golden laurels and in subterranean “dwellings-temples” appropriate to such a case and provided with all necessary accessories of which a high barrow appeared as an altar or, in a more general sense, as a polis-sacral epotropaeum. Since the times of Homer barrows were considered as unshakeable and eternal monuments. One may not assert for sure that the revival of this most ancient form of a tomb monument at Olbia in the Hellenistic period was directly effected by the nearest neighbours – nomadic Scythians. There is no doubt that Olbiapolitans were not unaware of the existence of high kurgans in the Steppe. Therefore one should not rule out that such knowledge stimulated to some degree the re-introduction of the age-old Hellenic custom of raising a mound on the grave of a hero. All the evidence known at present on Olbian kurgans enable but to outline certain problems in the development of the burial rite in connection with these tomb constructions and transformation to that end of the religious Weltanschauung at Olbia from the time of the Zopirion siege until the inclusion of the city into the Roman Empire.

В. И. Денисова. Рисунки кораблей из Ольвии

В 1988 г. в Ольвии при раскопках одного из центральных городских кварталов, в культурном слое V в. до н.э. был найден обломок керамического сосуда; на его обеих поверхностях почерчены силуэты кораблей (рис. 1: а, б). Этот обломок представляет собой часть дисковидной подставки от ножки аттического гончарного сосуда (типа большой тарелки или блюдца); ее поверхность была покрыта черной глазурью (“лаком”). Сосуды подобного типа (“фруктовые вазы”) изготавливались аттическими гончарами с конца VI в. до второй четверти V в. до н.э. в двух разновидностях – на высокой ножке (рис. 1: в) и на низкой. Рисунки кораблей нанесены каким-то острым предметом, возможно, шилом или острием ножа.

На верхней поверхности подставки (рис. 1: а) полностью сохранился силуэт только одного корабля (изображен целиком, с подводной частью). На корме судна закреплен трап и еще какой-то элемент корабельной оснастки, переданный двумя, сходящимися под прямым углом линиями (предположительно, рея или шпринтовы). Двойную линию, оконтуривающую днище корабля, можно трактовать, как изображение фальш-киля.

Сходного типа корабль (по-видимому, нарисована только надводная его часть) прочерчен на нижней поверхности подставки (рис. 1: б). Аналогией обоим судам является парусник, изображенный на аттической чернофигурной чаше конца VI в. до н.э. (рис. 2: а – справа) и нарисованное красками судно на стене одной из этрусских гробниц начала V в. до н.э. По предположению исследователей на этих обоих памятниках изображены корабли того типа, который в древнегреческом мире носил название холькада (holkas). Холькады, имевшие только парусное вооружение, предназначались для перевозки грузов. Руководствуясь приведенными аналогиями, мы относим оба вышерассмотренных корабля публикуемых нами граффити (рис. 1: а, б) к категории холькад, хотя они и изображены без мачты, по-видимому, из-за отсутствия на черепке необходимого для этого пространства.

На нижней стороне подставки (рис. 1: б), кроме уже рассмотренной холькады, прочерчены контуры еще двух кораблей. Они различаются один от другого по размерам, но явно принадлежат одному типу. Оба корабля имеют одинаковую форму носа, переходящего в бушприт. На одном корабле поднят прямоугольный парус (корма не сохранилась). Оба корабля, судя по пропорциям, по-видимому, являлись гребными, парус служил pдополнительным движителем.

Как показывают памятники минойской глиптики, корабли с бушпритом бороздили воды Средиземноморья еще во втором тысячелетии до н.э. Судя по отдельным археологическим находкам (оттиски печатей-цилиндров 520-331 гг. до н.э. из Персеполя, граффито предположительно второй половины VI в. до н.э. на черепице из окрестностей храма Аполлона Зостера в Аттике), а также по многочисленным памятникам античного изобразительного искусства первых веков н.э., можно заключить, что корабли с бушпритом существовали на протяжении всей античной цивилизации. Бушприт вероятно служил для закрепления таких снастей, как булины, брасы, гитовы; на нем мог также укрепляться вспомогательный парус (artemon). Если же судить по сцене, представленной на мозаичном панно конца II в. н.э. из Остии (рис. 2: б), то бушприт мог использоваться как основание для прокладки трава в тех случаях, когда было необходимо “состыковать” два судна, чтобы перегрузить товар с одного на другое.

Из-за крайней скудости источников невозможно однозначно сказать, как назывался в древнегреческом мире тип корабля с бушпритом. С этим типом предположительно можно соотнести одно из таких, встречающихся у древних авторов названий, как akatos, halias, kyknos.

V. I. Denisova. Drawings of ancient ships from Olbia

In 1988 during excavation of one of the central city blocks in Olbia (otherwise Borysthenes — an ancient Greek polis of the 6th century B.C. – 3rd century A.D. which was situated on the right bank of the Bug Liman near its junction with the Dnieper Liman, in neighbourhood of the modern village of Parutino in the Ochakov Region, Ukraine; the works were conducted by the Olbian Expedition of IIMK RAS under the direction of V. I. Denisova), in the cultural layer dating to the 5th century B.C. a ceramic fragment was found with silhouettes of ships drawn on both its sides (fig. 1: а, б). The fragment was a part of discoid support of the foot of an Attic black-glazed vessel (something like a large plate or saucer). Similar ware (“fruit vases”) was manufactured by Attic potters throughout the period from the late 6th to the second quarter of the 5th century B.C. in two variants – with a high foot (fig. 1: в) or with a low one. The outlines of ships were drawn with some pointed tool, possibly an awl or the point of a knife.

On the upper surface of the support (fig. 1: а) the silhouette of only one ship is wholly preserved (represented complete with its underwater part). At the stern of the ship a ladder is fixed along with some other component of the rigging (possibly, a yard or sprits) rendered in two lines meeting at right angle. The double line outlining the ship’s bottom, as it seems, is a false keel.

A similar ship (probably, only the above-water part of it was represented) is drawn on the lower surface of the support (fig. 1: б). Parallels to the two ships are the sailing vessel depicted on an Attic black-figured cup dating to the 5th century B.C. (fig. 2: а – right) and a painted sea vessel on the wall of an Etruscan tomb of the early 5th century B.C. It is supposed that in both cases depicted are the ships of the type called holkas in the ancient Greek world. Holkadai, which had rigs only for sailing, served for transportation of cargoes. On the basis of the mentioned parallels we consider both of the discussed above ships on our graffito (fig. 1: а, б) as holkadai though they are represented without any mast (possibly, because of lack of the necessary space on the fragment).

Outlines of yet two ships besides the holkadai are drawn on the lower side of the support (fig. 1: б). These two are of a different size but undoubtedly belong to a single type. Both of the ships have a similar shape of their bows continuing into bowsprits. A rectangular sail is hoisted on one of the ships (the stern of the latter is not preserved). Judging by the proportions of the two vessels it seems that they were rowing boats in which the sail served as an additional mover.

As specimens of Minoan glyptics show, ships with bowsprits ploughed the waters of the Mediterranean Sea as early as in the second millennium B.C. Separate archaeological finds (imprints of 520–331 B.C. cylindrical seals from Persepolis, a graffito tentatively dated to the second half of the 6th century B.C. on a tile from the neighbourhood of the temple of Apollo Zoster in Attic) as well as numerous samples of ancient fine arts of the first centuries A.D. suggest that ships with bowsprits existed during the entire Classic Period. Probably bowsprit served for fixing such rigging as bowlines, braces and brails; it could also fix an additional sail (artemon). Moreover, as one may judge from the scene represented in a mosaic panel of the 2nd century A.D. from Ostia (fig. 2: б), bowsprit could be used for laying a ladder between two ships for transshipping the cargo.

The extreme scantiness of sources does not enable us to be certain as to what name such ship with a bowsprit was called in the ancient Greek world. We suppose that to this type one of such terms attested by ancient authors as akatos, halias, kyknos possibly is related.

М. В. Скржинская. Пища ольвиополитов

В исследованиях о еде древних греков до сих пор не уделялось внимания характеристике пищи какого-либо конкретного греческого полиса и ее особенностям по сравнению с другими областями расселения эллинов.

Сведения о том, что ели ольвиополиты, складываются из разнообразных источников, которые еще не были собраны вместе. Важнейшее место среди них занимают материальные остатки: кости млекопитающих, птиц и рыб, зерна сельскохозяйственных культур, осадки вина. О пище можно судить по сосудам, в которых она приготовлялась, хранилась или подавалась на стол, а также по жерновам, ступам и зернотеркам, с помощью которых изготовляли муку и крупу. Перечисленные археологические источники дают более основательную информацию в сопоставлении с памятниками изобразительного искусства и сообщениями античных писателей о еде греков.

В число основных продуктов питания ольвиополитов входили хлеб из пшеницы и ячменя, каши из ячменя, проса, гороха, чечевицы; овощи и фрукты; рыба и моллюски; овечье и козье молоко и сыр; мясо -в основном говядина, баранина и козлятина, значительно меньше свинина и мясо домашних птиц и диких животных; растительное масло, вино, мед; соль и уксус как приправы и консерванты.

В целом по набору продуктов пища ольвиополитов сходна с едой населения других греческих полисов, однако отличается рядом особенностей. По сравнению с Грецией в питании ольвиополитов ячмень занимал значительно меньшее место, а изделия из пшеничной муки были более распространенными. В отличие от большинства греков, употреблявших главным образом морскую рыбу и моллюсков, ольвиополиты ели много первоклассной речной рыбы, главным образом сомов, судаков и осетров. Из надписей известно о существовании в Ольвии специального рыбного рынка. Там продавали живую, соленую, сушеную, вяленую и копченую рыбу. В зависимости от сезона на столе ольвиополитов появлялись разные сорта рыбы, например, весной и в начале лета – судак, летом – сом, а зимой, когда резко сокращался улов, ели в основном консервированную рыбу.

Мясная и молочная пища ольвиополитов не выделялась какими-либо особенностями, поскольку виды мясо-молочного скота были идентичны в Ольвии и других греческих полисах. Возможно, ольвиополиты заимствовали у местного населения изготовление гиппаки, сыра из кобыльего молока.

Из-за климатических условий набор овощей и фруктов в Ольвии был беднее, чем в Элладе. Частично это восполнялось импортом свежих и сушеных фруктов. Как и в других греческих полисах, привозные продукты питания составляли существенную часть рациона ольвиополитов; главным образом это были оливковое масло и вино.

M. V. Skrzhinskaya. Foods of Olbiapolitans

In studies of food of ancient Greeks not much attention has been paid as yet to characteristics of food at any particular Greek polis and its peculiarities as compared to other regions of the Greek settlement.

Our knowledge on what Olbiopolitans had for their meals is based on various sources which have not been yet considered together. Among these sources, material remains – bones of mammals, birds and fishes, grains of agricultural plants, wine sediments – occupy an important place. One may get an idea about food by the vessels in which it was cooked, stored or served, and by the millstones, mortars and grain grinders used for making flour and groats. The archaeological evidence listed above gives more essential information as compared with objects of fine arts and statements of ancient authors on Greek food.

Among the main victuals of Olbiapolitans were wheat and barley bread, gruel made of barley, millet, peas and lentils, fruit and vegetables, fish and molluscs, sheep’s and goat’s milk and cheese, meat – mainly beef, mutton, and goat’s flesh, – much less pork, poultry and game, vegetable oil, wine, honey, salt and vinegar as dressing and preservatives.

In general, food of Olbiapolitans is similar in its composition to that of the population in other Greek poleis. However, there are some peculiarities. In comparison with Greece, barley held much lesser place on the board of Olbiapolitans, and products made of wheat flour were more commonly used. Unlike most of Greeks who made use chiefly of sea fish and molluscs, Olbiapolitans had for their meals much first-rate river fish – mainly sheat-fish, pike-perches and sturgeons. From inscriptions we know that a special fish market existed in Olbia. Live, salted, dried and smoked fish was sold there. Depending on the season different kinds of fish appeared on the table of Olbiapolitans, e.g. pike-perches in spring and early summer, sheat-fish in summer, and in winter when catches were strongly reduced they ate mostly preserved fish.

Meat and dairy products of Olbiapolitans were not distinguished in any way since the meat and milk cattle species were identical in Olbia and other Greek poleis. It is possible though that Olbiapolitans borrowed from the local population making of hippaka – cheese of mare’s milk.

Owing to the climatic conditions the selection of vegetables and fruits was poorer in Olbia than in Hellas. This was partially compensated for by imports of fresh and dried fruit. As in other Greek cities, imported victuals composed an essential part of Olbiapolitans’ rations; imported were mainly olive oil and wine.

В. П. Былкова. Поселения на Нижнем Днепре в аспекте скифо-эллинских отношений (рубеж V-IV вв. до н.э. - III в. н.э.)

V. P. Bylkova. Settlements in the Lower Dnieper Area in Terms of Graeco-Scythian Relations(the turn of the 5^th and 4^th centuries B. C. to the 3^rd century B. C. )

Recent excavations in the lower dnieper area en­larged essentially our knowledge of the population which had lived there in the classic period, and the information obtained promoted a combined inves­tigation of the settlements discovered, this is a de­tailed consideration of the available archaeological evidence and of problems of the correlation betwe­en nomadic (or semi-nomadic) and settled popula­tion, and of the relations between steppe scythian cultures and greeks of the northern Black Sea regi­on during their coexistence in this region.

The situation in the lower dnieper area in its ge­neral features was similar to that which arose in the classic period in the lower reaches of other large ri­vers — Don, Southern Bug, Dniester, and Danube. However, one observes in this region (definable as «the core of the steppe scythia») a slightly diffe­rent correlation between the nomadic herding eco­nomical and cultural type and the settled agricultu­ral one. this fact is reflected inter alia in a compa­ratively later foundation of settlements (only at the turn of the 5^th and 4^th centuries b. c). another cha­racteristic feature of the lower dnieper region is the almost simultaneous appearance of two types of settlements, the variance between them amounting to that between different archaeological cultures.

In the southern part of the region under conside­ration, on the north-eastern banks of what is now the Dnieper Liman (fig. 1), the rise of settlements resulted from Olbia inhabitants mastering new vast areas to the west, north and east of the limits of their original settling area. Fairly representative evidence obtained from settlements on the north­eastern banks of the Dnieper Liman enables us to date the foundation of these settlements, to the turn of the 5^th and 4^th centuries B. C. The settling of the east territories as far as the mouth of Dnieper by Olbiapolitans falls to the period of their most in­tensive activities in creating the great chora after its reduction in the end of the first third of the 5^th cen­tury B. C.

One of the important problems of the history of polis in this period is identification of the composi­tion of the population which had spread headlong throughout a large area. It seems that the «inner colonisation* was due to the intrinsic demographic potential; however, one may not rule out the possi­bility of an inflow of new population from the eas­tern Mediterranean and Asia Minor.

Settlements in the north-eastern part of the Olbi­an chora are characterised by quite a number of common features. These settlements are located on high banks along the coast line. They had an area of 2-10 hectares; defensive structures are extremely rare. The sites are compactly built up and have thick and rich cultural layers consisting mainly of clay due to the employment of mud-bricks and clayey mortar in the masonry. The clustered layout of buildings is discernible. Stone and mud-brick structures on the surface or those deepened into the bedrock have been identified. The structures consisted of one or many chambers under tiled or clay-and-reed roofs. Average area of a room in sur­face houses was 15 sq. m. The semi-underground dwellings were of rectangular plan with rounded corners; their areas amounted to 10-30 m each (so­metimes more). Inside, recesses made for stone he­arths were uncovered. The settlements had wells, cisterns, barns, cellars, and special places for thro­wing out ashes. The ceramic assemblage consists of amphorae (65-80%), other pottery-wheel ware (7-9%), and hand-made pottery (6-20%); tiles amo­unt to the number from several items to 6% at a site. Among the amphorae, the Heraclean and Chi­an ones prevail. The pottery-wheel ware of the lo­cal Olbian production (fig. 2) mostly includes jugs, bowls, cups, and fish plates; one encounters also lids and lamps. A group of vessels decorated with horizontal bands of red or brown paint (fig. 2: 4, 11) is conspicuous — such pottery was manufactured in all cities throughout the northern Black Sea region in 6^th-4^th centuries B. C. and in Olbia also during the Hellenistic period. Among the local and impor­ted pottery there are louteria, cauldrons, cooking pans and pots (fig. 2: 15). The amount of hand­made pottery differs at different sites (fig. 3), but everywhere imitations of wheel-made ware, portab­le braziers, Scythian pots (fig. 3: 15, 16), and rare vessels of the Geto-Thracian types (fig. 3: 17) were found. In general the ceramic material is dated to period from the turn of the 5^th and 4^th centuries B. C. to the first third of the 3^rd century B. C., the pottery of the second and third quarters of the 4^th century B. C. being the most numerous and diverse. In all dwellings loom-weights and spindle whorls were found. Numerous indications of a developed fishery — net-weights, needles for netting, anchor stones, and fish-bones — were discovered. For the entire period of the settlements' existence finds of coins are common which all without exception are Olbian. The finds related to cults and inscriptions (fig. 4) are wholly similar to the Olbian material. It seems that the population which lived on the north-eastern banks of the Dnieper Liman did not differ in its cultural features from the bulk of popu­lation in the Olbian chora in 4^th-3^rd centuries B. C.; the culture of the latter is believed to have been a rusticated variety of the Olbian population. It got all necessary through its own economic activities, and economic relations with surrounding Barbarian tribes did not play any essential role in the econo­mic life of the settlements.

The Scythian settlements in the Lower Dnieper region differ from those near Olbia and are charac­terised by the following features: they are located mainly on the left bank, on capes along the banks of rivers Konka and Pidpilnaya and their tributaries and branches. The area of an ordinary settlement is 1-4 hectares. A part of their areas has no cultural layer and they were not built up completely. Small underground and semi-underground dwellings and numerous grain-pits have been recorded. The sites lack any traces of crafts. The ceramic assemblages on average are composed of 40% amphora frag­ments and up to 1% wheel-made tableware (Olbian and Attic black-glazed). On the whole the pottery does not vary much (fig. 4 B). Among the finds there are much bones and bone articles as well as stone tools. A single assemblage of clay articles inc­luding a fragment of an anthropomorphic figurine was found (fig. 4: Бl). All the finds are dated to the period from the turn of 5th and 4th centuries B. C. to the first third of the 3^rd century B. C.

Both of these kinds of settlements ceased their existence in the first third of the 3^rd century B. C. Since no evidence of a sudden enemy attack — i. e. fires, destruction etc. — have been registered, one may suppose that the inhabitants simply left the sites.

During the 2^nd and 1^st centuries B. C. fortified si­tes gradually arose in the Lower Dnieper region. As compared to the Scythian settlements of the prece­dent period they occupied rather different territori­es «going down» to the south and each encompas­sing a larger area (fig. 1). The new sites were situa­ted mostly on the right Dnieper banks. All the settlements were of rectangular plan and limited by a steep bank, short ravines and two lines of defense. Of the latter the first one enclosed 1 to 3, 65 hecta­res, and the second — up to 10 and 13, 68 hectares. Various types of defensive structures have been un­covered. The layout may be characterised as a Gra­eco-Barbarian one. The constructions are repre­sented by one- and two-chambered stone surface houses, mud-brick structures, and separate semi-underground dwellings not very deeply dug. In the ceramic set, amphora fragments amount to 32-35% or up to 50% and more. Wheel-made pottery is more numerous than the hand-made ware. In the former, vessels from the northern Black Sea area (fig. 5: 1, 2, 8) and imports from Asia Minor are re­presented. Pots and bowls prevail among the hand­made pottery, also braziers and saucers are com­mon, and there are specimens of Sarmatian and Thracian appearance as well as imitations of Greek shapes (fig. 5: 3-7, 9-13). Of the bowls a consider­able part is of the Zarubintsy type (fig. 5: 7). The finds of Sarmatian type ware are not numerous, mostly it is jugs and incense burners (fig. 5: 10). Besides ceramics many iron and stone objects and also isolated finds of slag were found. The classic ancient artefacts are represented by terracottas, gems, marble articles, decorations, and coins (tho­ugh not of the Olbian issue). The period of occupa­tion of these sites in general was the 2^nd century B. C. to 3^rd century A. D. However, they did not ari­se nor fell into ruins all simultaneously.

Consideration of the materials from excavations enabled us to identify two different stages in the exis­tence of settlements in the Lower Dnieper region.

1) The period from the turn of the 5^th and 4^th to the first third of the 3^rd centuries B. C. is characteri­sed by appearance of permanent settlements. The southern part of the region is settled by po­pulation from the Olbian polis, and in the nort­hern part proper Scythian settlements arise. The difference between these two populations becomes apparent at the level of cultural and economical types. This stage coincides with the Fourth period in the history of the northern Black Sea area in the Greek times (Виноградов, Марченко 1991: 152-155) and with the period of the Second or Classic Scythia (Алексеев 1989: 85-87). In the first third of the 3^rd century B. C. the occupation of both categories of settlements ended. This was the time when the chora of Olbia was being reduced and Scyt­hians were leaving it.

2) Since the turn of the 2^nd and 1^st centuries B. C. and till the 3^rd century A. D. the settled mode of life resumed throughout the entire Lower Dnieper area on the basis of similar economics. The agri­cultural and herding population, which was oc­cupied also with fishery and trade, left all the set­tlements dating to this period. Differences have been observed in the dimensions of the settle­ments, in the principles of using the space, buil­ding traditions, the set of agricultural plants, and ceramic assemblages. As an important feature of this stage in general is the fact that the inherent to the precedent stage opposition of the Greek world to that of Barbarians (Scythians) seems to have slackened considerably. Various cultural in­terrelations as well as a mixed composition are peculiar to the population in this period.

К. И. Зайцева. Лепные чашки на ножках конца VII — I вв. до н.э. из Северного Причерноморья. Часть первая

В первой части статьи рассматриваются небольшие лепные чашки на ножках середины VI-I веков до н.э. из греческих государств Северного Причерноморья: Ольвии и ее сельской округи (табл. 1, №№ 1-21), Мирмекия (табл. 2, №№ 22-23), Тиритаки (табл. 2, № 24), Нимфея (табл. 2, № 25-30), Горгиппии (табл. 2, № 39), Херсонеса Таврического (табл. 2, №№ 31-52), Танаиса (табл. 2, №№ 33-38) – всего 37 чашек и 2 крышки. Из них 13 сосудов издаются впервые (№№ 7-9, 11, 13,2 5-32), 4 сосуда по рисункам (№№ 6, 14, 17, 22), все остальные собраны воедино по ранее сделанным публикациям. Сводная статья по этим сосудам издается впервые. В статье дана характеристика разнообразных форм лепных чашек, отмечено сходство некоторых сосудов из разных античных северопричерноморских центров (например, № 1 – поселение Большая Черноморка 2 сельской округи Ольвии и № 22 – Мирмекий; №№ 2 и 3 – Лузановское поселение округи Ольвии; №№ 7, 8, 18 – Ольвия и №№ 33, 34, 35 – Танаис), а также множество вариантов в исполнении как этих близких между собою чашек, так и многих других, что свидетельствует о домашнем изготовлении этих изделий для потребностей той или другой семьи. Подчеркивается, что отдельные лепные чашки сделаны в подражание гончарным образцам (№ 25 – Нимфей), сосудам из металла или стекла (№ 23 – Мирмекий); приведена краткая характеристика глин и выделки сосудов, многие из которых сделаны небрежно. По технике изготовления из всех чашек выделяются два жертвенника из Херсонеса (табл. 2, №№ 31, 32): лучше сохранившийся из них вылеплен из трех частей, соединенных вместе.

Самые ранние лепные чашки на ножках датированы серединой VI – первой третью V вв. до н.э.: № 1 – поселение Большая Черноморка 2, № 22 – Мирмекий; V–IV вв. до н.э.: №№ 26, 27 – Нимфей; концом V – первой половиной IV в. до н.э.: №№ 2, 3, 6 – поселения Лузановское и Козырка 12 округи Ольвии; серединой IV – второй четвертью III вв. до н.э.: № 39 – Горгиппия. Преобладающее большинство чашек сделано в эллинистическое время – во второй половине IV – первой половине III в. до н.э.: №№ 4, 5 – поселение Козырка 2 и усадьба Дидова Хата I округи Ольвии; в III–II вв. до н.э. (возможно, во второй половине III – первой половине II в. до н.э.) – Ольвия; в конце III-I вв. до н.э.: .№ 23, 24 – Мирмекий и Тиритака; во второй половине III–II вв. до н.э.: №№ 25, 28, 29, 30 – Нимфей; во II в. до н.э.: №№ 31, 32 – Херсонес Таврический; в III–I вв. до н.э.: №№ 33-37 – Танаис; во II–I вв. до н.э.: № 38 – некрополь Танаиса.

Находки многих лепных чашек на территории городищ и поселений в жилых землянках (№№ 2, 3, 22) и домах (№№ 4, 10, 12, 32, 33-35, 39), в жилой усадьбе (№ 5), в культурных слоях с остатками жилых домов (№№ 7-9, 11, 20, 26, 27, 36, 37), в выбросах из жилых кварталов (№№ 25, 28, 30, 31) вместе с разнообразными культовыми изделиями (с целыми к фрагментированными терракотовыми статуэтками Коры-Персефоны, Деметры и др., фигуркой сидящего “божка”, маленькими лепными лепешками-хлебцами, малоазийским чернолаковым фимиатерием, фрагментами ольвийских и херсонесских гончарных чашек на ножках, граффити с посвящениями Ахиллу, Афродите, Афине, Аполлону и другим богам, а также наличие копоти почти на всех сосудах, специально сделанного углубления на дне чаши, для сжигания ароматических веществ (№ 15 – Ольвия), сквозного отверстия в дне и ножке для возлияний (№ 12 – Ольвия) – все это позволяет считать лепные чашки культовыми предметами, применявшимися при священных обрядах в частных жилых домах, землянках, иногда в домашних святилищах (№ 6 – поселение Козырка 12 к северу от Ольвии). Лепные чашки на ножках использовались в качестве курильниц путем сжигания в них благовонных трав и смол, жертвенников для возлияний, светильников для возгорания священного огня, для мелких жертвоприношений. Эти обряды совершались в честь богов – покровителей земледелия и плодородия, защитников дома и семьи; они были связаны также с культом огня и домашнего очага. Лепные чашки №№ 18 и 19, найденные на Центральном теменосе Ольвии в слое над остатками храмов Аполлона Дельфиния и Зевса – главных государственных богов города, были вотивными приношениями в храмы этих богов. В погребении обнаружена всего одна чашка (№ 38 – Танаис). Вероятно, лепные чашки на ножках из греческих государств Северного Причерноморья сделаны постоянно или временно проживающими в них выходцами из местных варварских племен. Этими сосудами могли пользоваться также беднейшие слои греческого населения и рабы.

K. I. Zaitseva. Hand-made stemmed cups of the late 7th – 1st century B.C. from the northern Black Sea area. Part I

In the first part of this article small hand-made stemmed cups are discussed. They are dated to the period from the middle of the 6th to 1st century B.C. and come from Greek states of the northern Black Sea region: Olbia and its rural surroundings (table 1, nos. 1–21), Myrmecium (table 2, nos. 22–23), Tiritaka (table 2, no. 24), Nymphaeum (table 2, nos. 25–30), Gorgippia (table 2, no. 39), Tauric Chersonese (table 2, nos. 31–52), Tanais (table 2, nos. 33–38) — in total 37 cups and two lids. Of these, 13 finds are published for the first time (nos. 7–9, 11, 13, 2 5–32), four specimens are considered on the basis of their drawings (nos. 6, 14, 17, 22), and the rest are cited from earlier publications. It is the first composite article on these vessels. Various shapes of hand-made cups are characterised and the similarity of certain vessels from different ancient centres in the northern Black Sea area is noted (e.g. no. 1 – the settlement of Bolshaya Chernomorka 2 in the rural area near Olbia and no. 22 – Myrmecium; nos. 2 and 3 – the settlement of Luzanovskoe near Olbia; nos. 7, 8, 18 – Olbia and nos. 33, 34, 35 – Tanais). A great variety of technique features both of these similar cups and of many other suggests that they were made in home to meet the needs of the families. It is underlined that some hand-made cups imitated fine ware (no. 25 – Nymphaeum) or vessels of metal or glass (no. 23 – Myrmecium). Clay features and technology of the vessels are briefly discussed; many among them are but carelessly made. In terms of the manufacturing technique two altars from Chersonese are distinguished (table 2, nos. 31, 32): the one that is preserved better is made of three separately modelled parts welded together.

The earliest hand-made stemmed cups are dated to the middle of the 6th – first third of the 5th century B.C.: no. 1 – the settlement of Bolshaya Chernomorka 2, no. 22 – Myrmecium; 5th-4th century B.C.: nos. 26, 27 – Nymphaeum; late 5th - first half of the 4th century B.C.: nos. 2, 3, 6 – settlements of Luzanovskoe and Kozyrka-12 near Olbia; the middle of the 4th – second quarter of the 3rd century B.C.: no. 39 – Gorgippia.

The overwhelming majority of the cups was manufactured in the Hellenistic period – the second half of the 4th or first half of the 3rd century B.C.: nos. 4, 5 – the Kozyrka-2 site and the farm-house of Didova Khata 1 near Olbia; in the 3rd–2nd century B.C. (possibly, in the second half of the 3rd or first half of the 2nd century) – Olbia; in the end of 3rd to 1st century B.C.: nos. 23, 24 – Myrmecium and Tiritaka; in the second half of the 3rd or 2nd century B.C.: nos. 25, 28, 29, 30 — Nymphaeum; in the 2nd century B.C.: nos. 31, 32 – the Tauric Chersonese; in the 3rd–1st century B.C.: nos. 33–37 – Tanais; in the 2nd–1st century B.C.: no. 38 – the necropolis of Tanais.

The stemmed cups were found at ancient towns and settlements in dugout dwellings (nos. 2, 3, 22) and in houses (nos. 4, 10, 12, 32, 33–35, 39), in a farm-house (no. 5), in cultural levels containing remains of dwellings (nos. 7–9, 11, 20, 26, 27, 36, 37), and in trash heaps from living blocks (nos. 25, 28, 30, 31) along with various cult objects (complete and fragmentary terracotta figurines of Kora-Persephone, Demeter etc., a figurine of a sitting ‘god’, small flat cakes or loafs, a black-glazed thymiaterion from Asia Minor, fragments of Olbian and Chersonesean pottery-wheel cups, graffiti with dedications to Achilles, Aphrodite, Athena, Apollo and other gods; on almost each vessel one may observe the presence of soot as well as a special depression in the bottom of the bowl for burning incense (no. 15 – Olbia) and a through hole in the base and stem for libations (no. 12 – Olbia). All this allows us to consider these hand-made vessels as cult objects used in sacrificial rites in private dwelling houses, dugouts, and sometimes in home sanctuaries (no. 6 – the settlement of Kozyrka-12 to the north of Olbia). Hand-made stemmed cups served as incense burners in which aromatic weeds and resins were burnt, as altars for libations, and lamps for igniting the sacrificial fire during minor sacrifices. These rites were performed in honour of different gods – the protectors of agriculture and fertility or the defenders of home and family; they were connected also with the cult of fire and of the home fireplace. Cups nos. 18 and 19 found on the Central Themenos in Olbia in the layer covering the remains of temples of Delphinian Apollo and Zeus – the main public gods of the city – were votive offers for the mentioned temples. Only one cup (no. 33 – Tanais) was found in a burial. Probably, the hand-made stemmed cups from Greek states of the northern Black Sea region were manufactured by natives of the local Barbarian tribes constantly or temporary residing in these states. It is possible that such vessels were used also by the poorest sections of the Greek population and slaves.

Е. Я. Рогов. Набор столярно-плотничьих инструментов из раскопок здания У6 поселения Панское I

В процессе раскопок здания У6 на поселении Панское 1 на хоре Херсонеса в северо-западном Крыму был найден набор столярно-плотничьих инструментов. Все инструменты были найдены во дворе или в помещениях юго-западной части здания У6, что свидетельствует о том, что и мастерская столяра- плотника также находилась в этой части здания (рис.1). Набор состоит из железного топора (рис. 2), обломка обушка топора или молотка (рис. 3), двух долот – одного узкого и одного широкого (рис. 4, 5), стамески (рис. 6), а также лучкового сверла (рис. 7). Находки подобных инструментов на античных памятниках Северного Причерноморья, как впрочем и за пределами этого региона, чрезвычайно редки. В основном наши знания об инструментах столяров и плотников античной эпохи базируются на находках инструментов, датирующихся римским временем и по изображениям на вазах. Для раннеэллинистического времени находка целого набора инструментов и в пределах одного здания уникальна.

E. Ya. Rogov. A set of joiner's and carpenter’s tools from house U6 at the settlement of Panskoe-1 in the northwestern Crimea

In the course of excavations of house U6 at the settlement of Panskoe-1 in the chora of Chersonesos (northwestern Crimea) a set of joiner’s and carpenter’s tools was found. All the tools were in the courtyard or in the rooms located in the southwestern part of the building; this fact indicates that the workshop of the joiner-carpenter also had been in that part of the house (fig. 1). The set consists of an iron axe (fig. 2), a fragment of the head of an axe or hammer (fig. 3), two chisels (a narrow and a wide one, figs. 4 and 5), chisels (fig. 6), and a bow-drill (fig. 7). Finds of such tools are extremely rare at Classic Period sites both in the northern Black Sea region and elsewhere. Our ideas about the carpenters’ and joiners’ tools in the Classic Period are mostly based on finds of tools dating to the Roman times and on representations on vases. For the early Hellenistic period discovery of a complete set of tools within a single house is unique.

С. Н. Сенаторов. Ранняя кизил-кобинская керамика из раскопок в Херсонесе

В статье предлагается краткий анализ- коллекции лепной керамики кизил-кобинской культуры, найденной при раскопках в Херсонесе в 1935–1987 гг.

В данной коллекции представлены 14 фрагментов различных сосудов, которые можно разделить на три группы.

Первая группа сосудов украшена орнаментом в виде гладкого горизонтального валика (табл. 1: 1–3; рис. 1: 1, 5, 11).

Вторая группа сосудов украшена простым резным орнаментом в сочетании с округлыми налепами (табл. 1: 4–5; рис. 1: 9, 13).

Обе группы керамики характерны для кизил-кобинской культуры эпохи поздней бронзы – раннего железа, датируемой XII–IX вв. до н.э.

Наконец, третья группа сосудов орнаментирована сложным резным орнаментом в виде заштрихованных, треугольников (табл. 1: 6–14; рис.1: 2–4, 6–8, 10, 12, 14). Такая керамика характерна для второго этапа кизил-кобинской культуры VIII – первой половины VI в. до н.э.

Все три группы керамики из Херсонеса найдены в слоях позднеархаического – римского времени (табл. 2). Однако, по своему орнаменту данная керамика, вероятно, может быть связана с кизил-кобинским поселением XII – первой половины VI в. до н.э., которое существовало на месте Херсонеса до появления здесь первых греческих колонистов.

S.N. Senatorov. Early Kizil-Koba pottery from excavation in Chersonese.

This article presents a brief analysis of the plaster pottery collection of the Kizil-Koba culture. It was found during excavations in Chersonese from I935 to 1987.

There are 14 fragments of different vessels which could be divided into three groups.

The first group of the vessels is decorated with a plain horizontal border (table 1: 1–3; fig. 1: 1, 5, 11).

The second group of the vessels has a simple engraved ornament with a rounded lag (table 1: 4–5; fig. 1: 9,13).

These two groups are typical for the Kizil-Koba culture of the Late Bronze – Early Iron epoch: of the 12th – 9th centuries B.C.

Finally, the third group is decorated with a raised ornament of the shaded triangles (table 1: 6–14; fig. 1: 2–4, 6–8, 10, 12, 14). Such pottery is connected with the second stage of the Kizil-Koba culture of the 8th – first half of the 6th century B.C.

All the three groups of the Chersonese pottery were found in the late archaic Rome layers (table 2). But this pottery with such decorations probably could be connected with the Kizil-Koba settlement of the 12th – first half of the 6th century B.C. which had existed here before the first Greek colonists who founded Chersonese came.

И. С. Каменецкий. Ново-Джерелиевское IV городище

По Кубани и ее притокам, в Приазовье, в античное время жили племена меотов. Согласно наиболее популярной гипотезе они говорили на языке адыго-абхазской группы. История их начинается с VIII–VII вв. до н.э. с памятников “протомеотского” круга, которые некоторые исследователи связывают с киммерийцами. Большое количество поселений гибнет на рубеже II и III в. н.э., остальные в середине III в. н.э., что связано с нашествием готов. С момента возникновения в VI в. до н.э. греческих колоний, меоты тесно контактируют с Боспорским царством и играют в его истории значительную роль.

В настоящее время известно около 200 меотских городищ, которые делятся примерно на 15 групп, что соответствует данным письменных источников о числе меотских племен. Одну из таких групп составляют городища, расположенные по р. Кирпили, впадающей в Азовское море (Меотиду) около г. Приморско-Ахтарска. Я думаю, что это было племя язаматов, перешедшее сюда в V–IV вв. до н.э. с левого берега низовьев Кубани. Где-то около рубежа н.э. они переселились в низовья Дона, составив сельскую округу Танаиса.

Одним из городищ этой группы и является Ново-Джерелиевское IV, расположенное на правом берегу Кирпилей, между станицами Ново-Джерелиевской и Степной (рис. 1). О существовании его известно с 1914 г., но впервые оно было осмотрено в конце 20-х годов. Никаких работ на городище не производилось. В статье излагаются результаты обследования, проведенного автором в 1970 г.

Центральная часть городища – небольшая овальная площадка на боковой стороне мыса, окруженная четко выраженным рвом (рис. 2). К центральной части примыкает обширное поселение, границы которого прослеживаются по распространению подъемного материала. Рядом с городищем находились карьеры, из которых брали глину и где обнаруживались погребения. Территория внешнего поселения во время нашего посещения распахивалась, что дало возможность собрать значительную коллекцию керамики. Она была разделена на две группы: материал с центральной части и примыкающей к ней территории и материал с вершины мыса, где предположительно находился могильник.

Фрагменты мегарских чаш, краснолаковой керамики и амфор дают датировку III в. до н.э.– первой половины I в. н.э., с возможным захождением в IV в. до н.э. (рис. 4,8). Основная масса керамики принадлежит кружальной, серолощенной и лепной. Кружальная керамика представлена 8 типами глины и является привозной (рис. 5,9). Серолощенная керамика — продукт местного ремесленного производства, одна из типичнейших особенностей меотской культуры (рис. 6,10). Лепная керамика – это кухонная посуда домашнего производства (рис. 7,11). Для описываемого времени преимущественно миски, подражающие серолощенным изделиям, имели лощение (рис. 12).

Кроме керамики были подобраны фрагменты квадратных зернотерок античного образца, фрагмент куранта от зернотерки архаичного типа, трапециевидные сетевые грузила, обломок оселка, биконическое пряслице и часть грузика от вертикального ткацкого станка (рис. 13).

На центральной части городища был заложен шурф 1 Ч 2 м (рис. 14). Мощность культурного слоя оказалась здесь 1,12–1,35 м. Шурф задел две ямы, которые в большом количестве присутствуют на всех меотских городищах. Материал, обнаруженный в шурфе (рис. 15), подтвердил дату, полученную при анализе подъемного материала. На склоне рва был заложен еще один шурф, но он пришелся на осыпь.

I. S. Kamenetskiy. The Site of Novo-Jerelievskoe IV

In the Greek times the lands along the Kuban River and its tributaries, in the Azov Sea area, were occupied by tribes of Maeotae. According to the most popular hypothesis they spoke a language of the Adygian-Abkhazian group. Their history begins in the 8th–7th centuries B.C. with the sites of the “proto-Maeotic” circle which are connected by some scholars with Cimmerians. A great number of the settlements were fallen to ruins at the turn of the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D., the other ones – in the middle of the 3rd century A.D. due to the invasion of Goths. Since the time of the appearance of Greek colonies Maeotae had close ties with the Bosporan empire and played a considerable role in the history of the latter.

Today there are about 200 Maeotian sites known which are roughly subdivided into 15 groups; this matches the evidence of the written sources on the number of Maeotian tribes. One of such groups comprises the settlement sites situated along the Kirpili River flowing into the Azov Sea (Maeotis) near the town of Primorsko-Akhtarsk.. To our opinion, this group is related to the tribe of Iasamats migrated to this region in the 5th–4th centuries B.C. from the left bank of the lower Kuban River. About the turn of the 1st century B.C. and the 1st century A.D. they settled in the Lower Don region and formed the rural neighbourhood of Tanais.

The settlement of Novo-Jerelievskoe IV is precisely one of the sites of the mentioned group. It is situated on the right bank of the Kirpili, between the Cossack villages of Novo-Jerelievskaya and Stepnaya (Fig. 1). It is known since 1914 but for the first time it was examined in the late 1920s. No excavations have been carried out at the site. In this article the results of an investigation conducted by the author in 1970 are reported.

The central part of the site presents a rather small oval area encircled with a distinctly discernible ditch at the lateral side of the promontory (Fig. 2). The central part is contiguous with a vast settlement the boundaries of which were traced through the distribution of the surface finds. Close to the site there were clay-pits which yielded clay and where burials are found. The area of the outer settlement was being ploughed up during our investigation thus enabling us to gather a considerable collection of pottery. The latter was divided into two groups: finds from the central part and the area contiguous with it, and finds from the point of the promontory where presumably the burial ground had been located.

Fragments of Megarian bowls, red-glazed ware and amphorae gave a dating to the period from the 3rd century B.C. to the first half of the 1st century A.D. with a possible falling back to the 4th century B.C. (Fig. 4,8). Most of the pottery is wheel-made, grey-burnished or hand-made. The wheel-made ware is represented by eight types of clay and is imported (Fig. 5,9). The grey-burnished pottery is of a local manufacture and presents one of the most typical features of the Maeotian culture (Fig. 6,10). The hand-made pots are the cooking ware of the home production (Fig. 7,11). During the period under discussion burnished were mostly the bowls imitating grey-burnished ware (Fig. 12).

In addition to the pottery, fragments of square grain grinders of the Classic Period type, a fragment of grinder from an archaic-type grain grinder, trapezoid fishing net-weights, a whetstone fragment, a biconical spindle whorl and part of a weight from a vertical loom were found (Fig. 13).

In the central part of the site a 1 × 2 m trench (Fig. 14) was sunk. The thickness of the cultural layer was found here to be 1.12–1.35 m. The trench touched two pits similar to those which are very common at all Maeotian settlement sites. The artefacts found in the trench (Fig. 15) confirmed the date shown by the surface finds. At the slope of the ditch another trench was sunk but it turned out to be in a scree.

Н. И. Платонова, М. Б. Щукин. Странная случайная находка из окрестностей Луги Ленинградской области

Публикуется интересная случайная находка 1986 года, выявленная около Луги. Это однолезвийный меч, скорее кинжал, а точнее, боевой железный нож с бронзовой, сравнительно тонкой рукоятью. Лезвие его сохранилось лишь на 86 мм (рис. 1). Обстоятельства его обнаружения не совсем ясны. По одной версии, он был найден при разрушении любительскими раскопками школьников одной из насыпей могильника археологической культуры Псковско-Новгородских длинных курганов около села Турово под Лугой. По другой, он найден, вместе с другим подобным, при земляных работах где-то в окрестностях Луги. Так или иначе, в конечном итоге кинжал оказался в руках археолога Н.И. Платоновой и ныне передается на хранение в Государственный Эрмитаж.

Первые ассоциации, которые вызывает данная находка, это биметаллические кинжалы, или короткие мечи, эпохи Гальштата и раннего Латена из Приальпийско-Припиринейского региона. Имеется и достаточно близкая, но единичная, параллель приблизительно того же времени, VIII-VI вв. до н.э., из Верхне-Ахмиловского могильника ананьинской культуры в Среднем Поволжье (Патрушев, Халиков 1982, Табл. 84: 1 а-в) (Рис. 3:3).

Однако более близкие параллели обнаруживаются совсем в другое время и в другом месте. Имеется в виду серия находок, известен 21 комплекс, из погребений второй половины IV - начала V вв. с подобными ножами из могильников San Miguel del Arroyo, Simankas, Hornillos del Camino, Nuez de Abajo и других, сосредоточенных в сравнительно узком регионе северо-западной Испании между Salamanka, Valladolid и Burgos (Palol 1964; Martin 1993). Большая часть их по всем параметрам удивительно напоминает находку из-под Луги. Из испанских комплексов приводятся лишь некоторые примеры (рис. 2).

В большинстве испанских находок сохранились и остатки бронзовых ножен этого оружия, оформленных или штампованым орнаментом, или в ажурном стиле opus intrrasile, характерным для униформы Римской армии.

В частности, таким образом оформлялись ножны двулезвийных кинжалов, так называемых pugio, служивших отличительным знаком унтер-офицеров, центурионов, хорошо представленных как изображениями на их надгробиях, так и находками из военных лагерей вдоль Рейнско-Дунайского лимеса.

Изредка pugio попадали и к варварам, примером чему в данном контексте может служить находка такого кортика в одном из воинских погребений I в н.э. в Прибалтике, на Самбийском полуострове в современной Калининградской области (рис. 3: 2). С конца III в. это оружие вышло из употребления в собственно римской армии, но сохранилось по каким-то причинам в однолезвийном варианте у населения упомянутого региона северо-западной Испании.

Мы не знаем с достоверностью этническую принадлежность населения, оставившего могильники в районе Salamanka-Burgos, их приписывали вестготам (Manescau 1936–1939), появившимся в Испании не ранее 411 года, но не с меньшим основанием их можно было бы причислить и местному кельто-иберийскому населению позднеримского времени, и вандалам, проникшим в северо-западную часть Иберийского полуострова около 406 года, и к некой смешанной группе варваров-федератов Римской армии дислоцированных в этом регионе, или к не менее интернациональной группировке восставших рабов-богаудов, игравших, как известно, заметную роль в расстановке политических сил Припиренейско-Приальпийского региона в III–V вв. н.э.

Остается, конечно, загадкой, каким образом боевой нож из северо-западной Испании мог попасть на далекий северо-запад России, в противоположный уголок Европы. Но о наличие контактов между Балтийским побережьем и Западным Средиземноморьем в V–VI вв. свидетельствуют и обилие янтарных бус в вестготских захоронениях (Maczynska 1991), и сообщения Кассиодора (Cass. Variae, V, 2) об эстиях Прибалтики, искавших контактов с королем готов Теодорихом Великим и пронесшими ему в качестве даров груз янтаря, и ряд археологических данных (Kazanski 1991; Kazakevicius 1993, 181 pav.).

В этой связи упоминаются также свидетельства лингвиста В.Н. Топорова (1982) о скоплении балтских топонимов с корнем -galind в северо-западной Испании (рис. 3: 1). Не исключено, что часть представителей этого балтского племени, обитавшего в бассейне Немана, действительно приняла участие в переселениях на Запад или вандалов, или готов. Тогда, зафиксированный находкой из-под Луги, контакт населения двух столь отдаленных регионов мог бы получить свое объяснение, хотя с достоверностью и в деталях всего происходившего мы знать не можем.

N. I. Platonova and M. B. Shchukin. A strange accidental find from the neighbourhood of the town of Luga in the Leningrad Oblast

Here, an interesting object found by accident in 1986 near the town of Luga is presented. It is a single-edged sword, rather a dagger, or better, a battle iron knife with a relatively thin bronze hilt. Its blade is preserved only to the length of 86 mm (fig. 1). The circumstances of its discovery are not altogether clear. According to one hypothesis it was found by some schoolchildren near the village of Turovo, not far from Luga, during illicit excavation of a mound in a cemetery of the archaeological culture of Pskov and Novgorod Long Kurgans. Another supposition is that the object was found during digging works somewhere near Luga. In one way or the other, the result is that the dagger came between hands of archaeologist N. I. Platonova and now it is being passed to be stored in the State Hermitage.

The first associations which this find arouses are the bimetallic daggers, or short swords, of the Halstat and early Laten Age from the Alpine-Pyrenean region. Also there is fairly close, though just a single, parallel of approximately the same period, 8th–6th centuries B.C., from the Verkhne-Akhmylovsky cemetery of the Anan’ino Culture in the Central Volga area (Патрушев, Халиков 1982, table 84: 1 а–в) (Fig. 3:3).

However, still closer parallels are found at quite another period and another place. These are among a series of finds from graves dating to the second half of the 4th or beginning of the 5th century from the cemeteries of San Miguel del Arroyo, Simankas, Hornillos del Camino, Nuez de Abajo and some others, all concentrated in a relatively narrow region of the northwestern Spain between Salamanka, Valladolid and Burgos (Palol 1964; Martin 1993). In these graves 21 funerary assemblages containing similar knives were found. Most of the latter resemble remarkably the Luga find in all its aspects. We represent here only some of the Spanish sets (fig. 2).

The majority of the Spanish finds retained also knife sheathes decorated either with a stamped pattern or made in the azure style of opus interrasile, characteristic of the uniform of the Roman army.

In particular, the sheathes of two-edged daggers called pugio were shaped in such a way. They served as a distinguishing mark of corporals – centurions, – and are well represented both in images on the latters’ gravestones and in finds from fortified camps along the Rhine-Danube limes.

Occasionally pugios reached the hands of Barbarians, an evidence of which, as concerns the Baltic Sea area, is a find of a similar dirk (Nowakowski 1996, Taf. 92:1) in a military burial of the 1st century A.D. on the Sambian Peninsula in what is now the Kaliningrad Oblast (fig. 3:2). Since the end of the 3rd century these weapons got out of use in the Roman army proper, but for some reason they were preserved in their one-edged variety among the population of the northwestern Spain region mentioned above.

We are uncertain about the ethnic belonging of the population which left behind it the cemeteries in the region of Salamanca-Burgos, they were attributed to Visigoths (Manescau 1936–1939) who appeared not earlier than in 411 in Spain; however, there are equally good reasons to connect them either with the local Celto-Iberian population of the late Roman Age or with the Vandals who penetrated the northwestern part of the Iberian Peninsula in about 406, or with a certain mixed group of Barbarians – Federates of the Roman Army stationed in this region, or also with the not less international group of revolted slaves Bogauds who are known to have played a considerable role in alignment of political forces in the Pyrenean and Alpine region in the 3rd to 5th centuries A.D.

Of course, it remains a mystery how a battle knife from the northwestern Spain could have turned up at the far North-West of Russia – the opposite nook of Europe. However, both the abundance of amber beads in Visigothian graves (Maczynska 1991) and statements by Cassiodorus (Cass. Variae, V, 2) about Baltic Aesti searching contacts with Theodoric the Great, king of Goths and presenting him gifts of a cargo of amber, as well as a certain series of archaeological evidence (Kazanski 1991; Kazakevicius 1993, 181 pav.) – all this points to existence of contacts between the Baltic coasts and the western Mediterranean in the 5th and 6th centuries.

In this connection, one mentions also evidence by linguist V. N. Toporov (1982) about a concentration of Baltic toponyms with the -galind roots in the northwestern Spain (fig. 3:1). It is possible that part of the members of this Baltic tribe which inhabited the basin of Neman really took part in the migrations to the West of either Vandals or Goths. In that case, the contact of the populations of the two so distant regions attested by the Luga find would be explained though we cannot know in detail and for certain about those events.

Г. М. Буров. Деревянные орудия ремесленного производства с поселения Вис II в бассейне Вычегды (середина I тысячелетия н.э.)

G. M. Burov. Wooden Tools from the Middle of the 1^st millennium AD (site of Vis II, the Vychegda river Basin)

Vis II is a stratified site near Lake Sindor, the Vychegda Basin, Knyazhpogost District, Republic of Komi. The principal assemblage includes a vir­tually unmixed layer representing the early stage of Vanvizdino Culture (5^th century AD) which intru­des into the deposits of the old river bed. The latter contain a number of unique or unusual artifacts made of wood, bark, and grass discovered during the 1962-66 excavations (Буров 1964: 96). This ar­ticle addresses 29 wooden tools used in handicraft. All but one (fig. 4: 3) are made of softwood, mainly pine (Буров 1993: Table 2). They include four two­handled scrapers, eight T-shaped pins, a strap-softe­ner, two combs, six spindle-whorls, a net gauge, four spatulas, a comb stamp, and two pointed sticks.

The scrapers are small fire-hardened boards ca. 17 cm long and 2,0-3,2 cm wide with two rounded angles and one sharpened working edge (fig. 1: 1-4). They are similar in shape to two-handled tools which were used for dressing skins by the Ngana­sans (Попов 1948: 76, 78), Eskimos (Stanford 1976: 55), and other peoples.

T-shaped pins are elongated pieces of wood with pointed twigs protruding at an almost right angle (fig. 2). The head is triangular in profile, 8,5-14,7 cm long, and the length of the twig is 4,3-4,5 cm. The fact that the head has sharp ribs, a flat lower surface and a convex upper one suggests that such tool was a pin rather than an awl. It was probably used for fastening skins to the ground before tanning them. Such pins are more convenient than are pegs which the Chukchi (Антропова, Кузнецова 1956: 905) and Tuvinians (Потапов 1956a: 436) used for that purpose since the former did not hamper work and could not be accidentally removed.

A subrectangular plank, 22,0 cm long and 5,1 cm wide with three parallel slits in the centre (fig. 1: 5) is evidently related to strap processing. It has a clo­se parallel among the finds from the medieval Rus­sian town of Old Ladoga (OIPK, inv. 84). Similar tools were used by the Ostyak (Khanty) (fig. 1: 5) and other Siberian peoples for softening narrow strips of skin. The strip was passed in a wave-like fashion through all the three slits and stretched ho­rizontally. Then the tool was moved along the strip, which was moistened with cod-liver oil.

To prevent the sinews from hardening during drying, they were treated with a special comb shaped like a small spatula with five short sharp prongs whose ends form an obtuse angle (fig. 1: 6, 7). As the form of the tools indicates, they were used for processing strong materials which nee­ded to be split before combing. It is not inciden­tal that one of the combs is hardened by firing (fig. 1: 7). Specimens from Vis have ethnographic parallels among the tools used by Chukchi (Прыткова 1953: 134; Потапов 1955: 72, Table IX), and their archaeological analogies are pre­sent among the burial goods found in Oleni Ost­rov burial ground, Barents Sea (Шмидт 1930: Table V: 8), and in Kirovo settlement, Crimea (Лесков 1970: fig. 36: 23, 24).

Apart from clay spindle-whorls, Vanvisdino pe­ople used wooden ones, similar in shape but some­times larger (because of wood being lighter). Two specimens are conical, whereas others are shaped like discs (fig. 3: 1, 3-7). Their diameter ranges from 3,3 cm to 6,8 cm, and their height from 0,3 cm to 3,0 cm. Unfinished pieces (fig. 3: 3, 4) demonstrate the stages of the manufacturing process. Spindles with discoid or conical wooden spindle-whorls were used in ancient Egypt (Crowfoot 1958: fig. 237: h, k, l), whereas discoid specimens have been registered among the Shorians (Попов 1955: fig. XIV), Komi (KRIMK, №№ 429, 650, 2258: 4), Letts (Bielenste­in 1918: 376, fig. 372, 279), and other peoples.

Perhaps the spindle was used not only for spin­ning wool, but also for twisting strands from which cords were made. Imprints of a two-stranded cord, both left- and right-twisted, are a common feature of the pottery design. A piece of such cord, made of grass (Carex, Calamagrostis) was preserved in a lump of loose clay. Cords were a material for ma­king nets, and a rectangular gauge was used in the process (Буров 1984: fig. 5: 2). Also, cords were needed for repairing cracked vessels (for which purpose holes were drilled), and for other purposes.

The potter's toolkit is represented by four sharp-edged spatulas with a smooth transition between blade and shaft (fig. 4: 1, 2, 5). The blade is 3, 1-5, 8 cm wide, and the length, estimated in at least two fired specimens exceeds 40 cm. Remains of clay on the blades suggest that spatulas were used for ext­racting clay and preparing paste. Tools similar in terms of shape and possibly function were found in Old Ladoga (Гроздилов, Третьяков 1948: 98, Table VII: 16-18) and at the neolithic site of Mod­lona, Lake Onega (Брюсов 1951: 29, fig. 11: 2).

A wheel-shaped tool 8, 0 cm long and 7, 3 cm wide (fig. 3: 2) was evidently a stamp for decorating cera­mics. Both its ends are denticulate, and their experi­mentally made imprints correspond to those on con­temopraneous pottery. A similar stamp, made of sto­ne, was excavated from the Fedorovskoye site, Kostroma region, the Volga (Гаврилова 1973: Table 25: 28). Pointed sticks (fig. 4: 3, 4) were apparently tools for applying a pit design, and cord imprints were made with cords like the one mentioned above.

The artifacts described, then, were used for pro­cessing skins, strips, sinews, fibrous substances, and clay. Instruments for working wood were published elsewhere (Burov 1993).

В. А. Хохлов. Об аланской принадлежности амулета из Старого Орхея (Требужен)

Статья посвящена бронзовой антропоморфной подвеске, обнаруженной в Днестровско-Прутском междуречье на многослойном памятнике Старый Орхей (рис. 1). Ее размеры – высота 3,5 см; наибольшая ширина 1,5 см (рис. 2: 2).

Подвеска была найдена в 1956 г. при исследовании землянки-мастерской XV–XVI вв., прорезавшей раннеславянский горизонт Старого Орхея, вместе с фрагментами лепной керамики (пеньковка) и железным наконечником стрелы (рис. 2: 1). Эти металлические изделия представляют несомненный интерес, так как небольшое количество датируемых находок осложняет разработку общей и внутренней хронологии раннесредневековых древностей Поднестровья.

Изображение человека из Старого Орхея уже служило объектом внимания некоторых археологов (Смирнов Г.Д., Рафалович И.А., Приходнюк О.М.). Используя относительные аналогии с серебряными фигурками мартыновского типа они определяли староорхейскую подвеску как славянскую культовую (амулет) и датировали ее VI–VII вв. н.э. Вместе с тем, функционально (и по ряду других признаков) это совершенно различные вещи, но, возможно, имеющие единые истоки.

Изучение староорхейского амулета позволило автору статьи поставить вопрос о его связи с антропоморфной кавказской пластикой и на основании ряда аналогий передатировать VII–IX вв. н.э. Известно, что район Центрального Предкавказья в эпоху раннего средневековья был занят племенами – носителями аланской культуры. В статье приводятся аргументы в пользу не славянского, а аланского происхождения подвески из Старого Орхея. Высказывается предположение, что в поречье Днестра данное антропоморфное изделие попало в VIII в. н.э. и может отражать перемещение части алан под арабским натиском из Предкавказья на запад.

V. A. Khokhlov. On the Alan origin of an amulet from Stary Orkhei (Trebuzhen)

In this article a bronze anthropomorphic pendant found in the area between the rivers Dniester and Prut at a multi-layered site of Stary Orkhei (fig. 1) is discussed. The object is 3.5 cm in height and its greatest width is 1.5 cm.

The pendant was found in 1956 along with some fragments of hand-made pottery (of the Penkovo type) and an iron arrow-head (fig. 2:1) during the investigation of a dug-out workshop of the 15th–16th centuries that had cut through an early-Slavic level at Stary Orkhei. These metal objects are of indisputable interest because the small number of datable finds makes it difficult to develop the general and inner chronology of early medieval antiquities from the Dniester region.

The representation of a human figure from Stary Orkhei has already attracted attention of some scholars (G. D. Smirnov, I. A. Rafalovich, O. M. Prikhodnyuk). On the basis of relative analogies with silver figurines of the Martynov type they defined the pendant as a Slavic ritual one (amulet) and dated it to the 6th–7th century A.D. However, in terms of functionality (as well as of a number of other features) all these objects differ completely although they possibly have a common origin.

A study of the Stary Orkhei amulet enabled us to put forward a question of its connection with the Caucasian anthropomorphic plastic arts and to re-date it to the 7th–9th century A.D. on the basis of consideration of a series of parallels. It is known that the central part of the area adjoining to Caucasus in the early Medieval period was inhabited by tribes which were bearers of the Alan culture. In this article arguments for an Alan instead of a Slavic origin of the pendant from Stary Orkhei are presented. A hypothesis is proposed that this anthropomorphic object came to the region of Dniester in the 8th century A.D. and it may reflect migration of some of Alans under the Arabian pressure from the area near Caucasus westward.

Т. С. Нунан, Р. К. Ковалев. Неизвестный клад начала IX в. из имения М. А. Оболенского Дмитровского уезда Московской губернии

Th. S. Noonan, R. K. Kovalev. The 1846 Obolensii Hoard: A new early ninth-century Viking-age Dirham Hoard from Glukhovo in Moscow Province

Between the late eighth and mid-eleventh centu­ries, the history of western Eurasia was fundamen­tally altered by the great Viking-age trade that con­nected the Baltic and Russia with the Islamic world. This commerce played a major role in the development the Scandinavia and West Slavic pe­oples bordering the Baltic, in the rise of the first Rus' state, in the transformation of the Khazar khaganate, in the growth of the Samanid state in Central Asia, and in the evolution of the 'Abbasid caliphate. Due to its great importance, scholars have long been interested in the origins of this tra­de. Unfortunately, there are no contemporaneous written sources from the earliest stage of this trade. Our only reliable evidence for its origins and initial development are the hoards of Islamic silver coins or dirhams that were deposited in northern Europe at this time. Scholars must thus analyze the earliest dirham hoards in order to reconstruct the begin­nings of the great Viking-age trade that connected the Near East with European Russia and the Baltic.

Dirham hoards from the late eighth and early ninth centuries, our primary source in the study of the early Viking-age trade are very rare in northern Europe. Hoards of this period that are preserved in their entirety are even more unique. Of the appro­ximately 1600 dirham hoards known to have been deposited in Western Eurasia during the eighth to the twelfth centuries, only about 380 can be dated to the eighth and ninth centuries. Of these 380, only 26 were buried in northern Europe prior to 815/16. Furthermore, of these 26, there are only nine hoards of 50 or more coins upon which to base an analysis of the beginning of the great trade linking the Islamic world with northern Europe. Regrettably, only five of these nine larger hoards have been pub­lished. Given this situation, the discovery of a new northern European dirham hoard from the late eighth — early ninth century constitutes an important addition to our knowledge. The purpose of this artic­le is to present the available information on a hitherto unknown hoard from the early ninth century that was deposited in central Russia.

In 1846, a hoard of 63 dirhams was discove­red in the village of Glukhovo (also known as Bogoroditskoe) on the estates of M. A. Obolenskii in Dmitrov uezd, Moscow province. The coins were found in a clay pot that was unearthed while digging a cellar in the village. Glukhovo was loca­ted on a hill at the confluence of the Lutosnia and Kimersha rivers. From Glukhovo by way of the Lutosnia, there was a convenient route to the near­by upper Volga via the Sestra and Dubna rivers. From the upper Volga, a series of riverain routes led to Ladoga and the eastern Baltic. Similarly, a series of portages connected Glukhovo with the Kliazma river which, in turn, emptied into the Oka. Proceeding south from the Oka, merchants portaged to the Don-Donets system which led through Khazaria to Iran and Iraq. In short, Gluk­hovo lay between the major rivers utilized by Rus' merchants active in the trade between the Islamic world and northern Europe.

Fortunately, M. A. Obolenskii had an interest in ancient and oriental coins. At some time soon after the Glukhovo hoard was uncovered, he had appa­rently discussed two hoards of «eastern» coins, i. e., dirhams, with Professor I. N. Berezin and Count A. S. Uvarov. The latter scholars informed Pavel Stepanovich Savel'ev, the famous Islamic numis­matist, of Obolenskii's interest in these two hoards. On December 28, 1850, Savel'ev wrote Obolenskii to obtain more detailed information on these two hoards. Obolenskii responded on January 26, 1851, and sent Savel'ev several copies of the data kept in the Moscow Main Archives of the Ministry of Fo­reign Affairs that concerned the find of Islamic dir­hams found in Kiev during 1706 or 1707. This Kiev hoard was presumably one of the two hoards Obo­lenskii had discussed with Berezin and Uvarov. In addition Obolenskii sent him the dirhams he had collected from amongst those found at Glukhovo on his estate so that Savel'ev could identify them and incorporate them into his scholarly research. The Glukhovo hoard thus seems to be the second of the two hoards that Obolenskii had discussed with Berezin and Uvarov.

Obolenskii's letter of January 26 was found in the archives along with a rough hand-written acco­unt of the dirhams from this hoard apparently composed by Savel'ev. Thus, we only possess part of the correspondence on the Obolenskii hoard. We do not have Savel'ev's original letter to Obo­lenskii inquiring about the two hoards nor do we have a copy of Savel'ev's letter to Obolenskii when the dirhams were presumably returned. This loss is unfortunate since Obolenskii's letter to Savel'ev was somewhat ambiguous concerning the number of dirhams originally in the hoard. He tersely stated that he was sending Savel'ev the collection of coins found on his estate. From Obolenskii's account, it is not clear whether he had obtained all the dir­hams buried in the clay pot or only part of them. Obolenskii's account can be interpreted to mean that he retrieved all the dirhams in the pot or, al­ternatively, only 63 dirhams from a larger number originally in the pot.

Although Savel'ev identified the dirhams in the Glukhovo hoard and made notes on them he never published a detailed account of the hoard. Only, in 1853, in the List of Meetings of Archaeological So­ciety it was mentioned that 24.10.1851. Savel'ev had made a report in which he discussed some problems concerning the hoard on the estate of M. A. Obolenskii. The date of the hoard was not men­tioned. A. K. Markov was familiar with this brief information, in his famous Topography of Eastern Coin Hoards, he noted that in 1851 a hoard of dir­hams, mainly fragments, was found on the estates of M. A. Obolenskii in Moscow province. Markov was apparently unaware of Savel'ev's hand-written list. In fact, no-one seems to have known of Savel'­ev's detailed list of the dirhams in the Glukhovo hoard and the hoard disappeared from the numis­matic literature. The purpose of this study is thus to resurrect this long forgotten and important dirham hoard from the numismatic grave to which it was unfortunately consigned.

Early in 1999, during research in the archives of the Institute for the History of Material Culture in Petersburg, the file containing Obolenskii's letter to Savel'ev and Savel'ev's hand-written notes on the dirhams in the hoard were uncovered. In order to ensure that Savel'ev's notes were properly unders­tood in the light of current knowledge on medieval Islamic coinage, Mr. Gert Rispling of the Stock­holm Numismatic Institute was asked to examine and help clarify these notes and to provide whate­ver additional information. was possible to deduce from them. Mr. Rispling, who is one of the fore­most scholars of Viking-age dirham hoards from northern Europe, kindly agreed and provided a very useful analysis that made it possible to identify many of the dirhams in the hoard more precisely. The authors of this study wish to express their ap­preciation to Mr. Rispling for his generous assis­tance. They also wish to indicate that they, and not Mr. Rispling, are responsible for any deficiencies in the reading and/or interpretation of Savel'ev's list.

There are a number of problems with Savel'ev's account. The list that has survived is not a finished study which describes each coin in detail. Rather, it gives the impression of being a preliminary work in which the author recorded the basic information on each dirham (dynasty, ruler, mint, year) that was readily legible. To this data, he added his Ara­bic rendering of the kufic inscriptions that were fo­und on some of the coins in the hoard. One gains the distinct impression that Savel'ev intended to return to this list again and describe the dirhams in greater detail. In any event, Savel'ev list is not a complete, polished study. It is a preliminary study that was never revised. However, since Savel'ev did record much of the basic information and copied many of the kufic legends on the dirhams, it has been possible for Mr. Rispling to fill in a number of the lacunae in Savel'ev's list. For example, dirham N° 16 of Savel'ev's list gave no mint but did note the date of 191. However, due to the short Arabic insc­ription with the governor's name that accompanied this number, Mr. Rispling was able to identify the mint as al-'Abbasiyyah. Similarly, in № 18 of the ori­ginal list, Savel'ev omitted both a mint and date. But, from the type of inscriptions he copied, Mr. Rispling was able to identify the dirham as one struck in al-Muhammadiyyah between 150H and 155H. In short, an attempt has been made to resolve a number of difficulties in Savel'ev's list and provide as complete an account of each dirham as possible.

The Glukhovo hoard is very typical of the early dirham hoards from European Russia and the Bal­tic. In the early hoards from European Russia, for example, 'Abbasid dirhams normally compose well over 50% of the coins in the hoard. In addition, there are small percentages, usually less than 10%, of either dirhams or drachms from several other dynas­ties, e. g., Sasanian drachms, Umayyad, Idrisid, Spa­nish Umayyad dirhams, etc. This dynastic compositi­on is exactly what one would expect since it reflects the dynastic composition of dirham hoards deposited in the Near East, the region from which the dirhams found in European Russia were being exported.

Table A shows the dynastic distribution of the hoards deposited in European Russia prior to 815/16. It also includes data on the hoard from Prerow-Darss in what is now north Germany, the only early hoard from the Baltic with over fifty identified coins. Since the Glukhovo hoard from the estate of Obolenskii comes from European Russia, we have included all hoards from this regi­on with ten or more identified coins. As Table A demonstrates, the overwhelming majority of coins in all the hoards were 'Abbasid with the percentages ranging from 48% to 100%. Almost all the early dirham hoards also contain a small percentage of drachms and dirhams from other dynasties. Umayyad, Sasanian, and Idrisid coins turn up most frequently while dirhams and semi-drachms struck by the Pre-Reform Umayyad rulers, Ispahbads, Kharijite Imams, 'Abbasid Governors of Tabaristan, and Aghlabidis also appear in a number of hoards. Based on its dynastic composition, the Glukhovo hoard was very typical of the hoards deposited in European Russia during the early ninth century.

Table Б shows the chronological distribution in percentages of the early dirhams hoards from Euro­pean Russia and the Baltic. By and large, these ho­ards were dominated by dirhams struck during the 770s and 780s with the percentages running from a low of 25% to a high of 61%. In general, around half the coins in our early hoards were struck du­ring these twenty years, i. e., half the coins in these hoards had not been in circulation very long. The Glukhovo hoard with 53% from these two decades is very comparable with several other hoards. The next chronological components consist of the coins struck prior to 750 and those issued during the 790s. Some hoards have a rather large pre-'Abbasid component while others, including the Glukhovo hoard (5%), contain less than ten percent of these older coins. Most hoards deposited in the early ninth century had a significant component of coins from the 790s with the percentages ranging from 8% to 32%. There seem to have been two groups of hoards as measured by this indicator. Five, inclu­ding the Glukhovo hoard (12%), had between 8% and 13% of their coins from this decade. However, four had between 27% and 32% of their coins from the 790s. Thus, the Glukhovo hoard fits in very well with one of these groups. Not surprisingly, all of our early ninth-century hoards have some dir­hams struck in the 800s. The Glukhovo hoard (19%) belongs to the groups of five hoards which had at least 10% of these brand new dirhams. Fi­nally, almost all our early hoards have some coins, usually less than 10%, from the 750s-760 while those deposited between ca. 810 and ca. 815 have a few very new dirhams. The Glukhovo hoard thus fits into the chronological profile of early dirham hoards. In fact, it is very analogous to the hoard from- Zavalishino deposited only two years or so earlier. This similarity is very significant since the Zavalishino was comparable in size and also appe­ars to have been preserved more or less in tact unli­ke many of the other hoards.

The regional or mint distribution of the coins in the early dirham hoards from European Russia is displayed in Table B. This table highlights a fact first emphasized by R. R. Fasmer many years ago and subsequently reiterated by others. The dirham hoards deposited in European Russia prior to ca. 825-833 contained an exceptionally large percenta­ge of dirhams struck in North African mints, espe­cially al-'Abbasiyyah and Ifriqiyah. Almost all of the­se coins were issued before 800 and they circulated very widely in Iran and Iraq from whence they were exported to northern Europe. As Table B demonstrates, those hoards deposited around ca. 805-815 were composed of about one-half North African dirhams. The Glukhovo hoard, with 43%, is very typical and remarkably close to the Zavalis­hino hoard (44%) in this category. One would ex­pect that most of the dirhams in these hoards came from Iraq where the great mints of the early 'Abba­sid caliphate were located. In fact, only around one-fourth of the coins in a typical early hoard came from Iraq and the figure of 28% for the Glukhovo hoard is almost exactly what is found in the five other hoards buried after ca. 806. Almost all early hoards have a significant percentage of dir­hams from northern Iran reflecting the output of the mint at al-Muhammadiyyah. The 17% from the Glukhovo hoard is greater than several but less than others. Finally, every early hoard has a few coins from one or more other regions, the most wi­despread being the southern Caucasus. The Gluk­hovo hoard with its dirhams from the southern Cau­casus, Transoxiana, Umayyad Spain, and Arabia is quite typical of the hoards of this period. In sum, the regional distribution of the mints which struck the dirhams in the Glukhovo hoard fits in quite well with the profile of contemporaneous hoards deposited in European Russia. And, once again, we should note the close similarity of the Zavalishino and Obolenskii hoards. As Fasmer argued over a half century ago, there was a definite pattern to the dirham hoards de­posited in European Russia at any give period.

A comparative analysis of the dynastic, chrono­logical, and regional distribution of the early dir­ham hoards from northern Russia and the Baltic de­monstrates that the long forgotten Glukhovo hoard from the estate of Obolenskii is very typical of these early hoards. Furthermore, it is remarkably similar in a number of important ways with the hoard from Za­valishino which was buried some two years earlier. Dirham hoards deposited in European Russia around 810 had many basic characteristics in common.

In conclusion, the Glukhovo hoard is very im­portant because it helps us to determine the routes used by the merchants who first brought Islamic dirhams to northern Europe. An Islamic written source from the mid ninth century or somewhat la­ter indicates that Rus', merchants coming from the north of what is now Russia travelled to the Khazar capital of Itil in the lower Volga from whence they could cross the Caspian Sea and then reach Bagh­dad by land. While the exact route between nort­hern Russia and Khazaria is not completely clear from this source, it seems evident that it reached the Byzantine Crimea and then led across the Do­nets and Don rivers to the lower Volga above Itil. The information in this hoard can be dated by nu­mismatic data to the early ninth century.

In other words, the Rus' merchants who first carried Islamic silver coins to northern Europe tra­velled between the lower Volga and northwestern

Russia/the eastern Baltic. If we assume that the Rus' or Viking merchants entered northwestern Russia from the Baltic via Staraia Ladoga, then the question is to determine how they travelled from Ladoga in northwestern Russia to the Crimea and Itil in Khazaria. This question is complex since it is often assumed that the Dnepr or Volga were the two main routes used by the Rus' in their voyages to the south. The numismatic data, however, indi­cates that in the ninth century neither the middle Dnepr nor the middle Volga played a major role in the shipment of dirhams from the Islamic world to northern Europe. The numismatic evidence further suggests that the main routes led from the upper Volga and upper Dnepr to the Oka system from where the Rus' merchants portaged to the Don-Northern Donets systems which brought them into the safety of Khazaria. From the Don, it was po­ssible to portage to the lower Volga and sail do­wnstream to Itil.

A number of the dirham hoards testify to the use of this route linking Ladoga in northwestern Rus­sia with Itil in Khazaria during the early ninth century. The Peterhof hoard indicates that the ro­ute from the eastern Baltic to Ladoga ran along the northern coasts of Estonia to the Neva river. From here, the merchants sailed to their main north Russian emporium at Staraia Ladoga where we find several early hoards. By sailing up the Vol­khov river towards the south from Ladoga, the Rus' merchants could portage to both the upper Volga and upper Dnepr. The use of the Volkhov is suggested by the hoard from Kholopii Gorodok near Novgorod.

From the upper Dnepr/upper Volga, the Rus' merchants apparently developed three early routes to the lower Don and Donets in Khazaria. The first route led from left-bank tributaries of the upper Dnepr to the middle Don or Donets (Zavalishchi-no; Nizhniaia Syrovatka). The second route led from the upper Volga by portages to the Oka sys­tem from which it was possible to portage to the Don. The hoards from Sarskoe and Ugodichi indi­cate that Sarskoe was probably the main settlement near the upper Volga utilized by Rus' merchants who took this route. It was also possible to go via the left-bank tributaries of the upper Dnepr to the Oka system. Such a route is suggested by the hoards from Nizhnie Novoselki and Kremlevskoe. The ho­ards deposited at the Right-Bank Tsimliansk settle­ment and Krivianskaia Stanitsa reflect the passage of the merchants through the lower Don and Donets.

How does the Obolenskii hoard fit into these patterns? As noted above, Glukhovo is situated along rivers affording convenient access to both the upper Volga and the Oka systems. The Glukhovo hoard was brought to the Moscow area by Rus' merchants who used the second route and it indi­cates that this route was active already by the first decade of ninth century. Neither the middle Dnepr with its later center at Kiev nor the middle Volga with its emerging centers in the Bulgar towns play­ed an important role in this earliest Rus' trade. The earliest Rus' trade used the three routes that con­nected the Don system with the upper Dnepr and upper Volga. The Glukhovo hoard of 811/12 is thus a typical hoard from this earliest period of Rus' trade with the Islamic world.

В. И. Булгакова. Сфрагистический материал и историко-культурные интерпретации: находка печати князя Изяслава Ярославича (1052-1078) в Киеве

В статье дается новая атрибуция вислой свинцовой печати, обнаруженной раскопками 1987 г. на киевском Подоле и отнесенной в первичной публикации к памятникам византийской сфрагистики конца Х – первой половины XI в. В результате повторного обращения к памятнику была установлена его принадлежность к числу печатей киевского князя Изяслава Ярославича (1054–1078), ранее в пределах древнерусской столицы не встречаемых. Новая атрибуция моливдовула позволила уточнить, наряду с датировкой культурного горизонта, в котором он был выявлен, также социальную характеристику исследованного объекта, который следует относить к вотчинным владениям киевского князя.

V. I. Bulgakova. Sphragistic evidence and historical and cultural interpretations: a seal of Prince Izyaslav Yaroslavich (1052–1078) from Kiev

In this paper a new attribution of a hanging lead seal found during excavations of 1987 in the area of Podol in Kiev is presented. In the original publication the seal was related to the Byzantine sphragistics of the late 10th or the first half of the 11th century. A reconsideration of the artefact enabled us to identify its belonging to the number of seals of Kievan Prince Izyaslav Yaroslavich (1054–1078). Such seals have not been encountered in the ancient Rus capital before. The new attribution of the lead seal enabled us to establish more precisely both the date of the cultural horizon in which it was found and the social characteristics of the area investigated which must have belonged to the patrimonial estates of the Kievan Prince.

К. А. Михайлов, В. Ю. Соболев. Новгородские наборные пояса XI-XII вв.

K. A. Mikhailov, V. Yu. Sobolev. Belt Fitting of the 11^th – 12^th Centuries from Novgorod

This study is dealing with ancient Russian belt sets of the 11^th-12^th centuries A. D. and with problems of their dissemination and chronology. This subject is rarely published and is almost unk­nown to modern researchers. The authors have col­lected materials from north-western Russia throug­hout the area from Pskov to Beloozero and from Karelia to the Tver Oblast. There are 34 samples both of complete belt sets and isolated bronze belt plates found at settlements and burial grounds in the mentioned region. Most of these artefacts were found at the border of the medieval Novgorod Land (Fig. 1) and are connected with the first Christian cemeteries.

The belt plates presented in this article belong to a number of frequent types of belt fittings (Fig. 2). These major types of belt plates are found throug­hout the whole territory of the Novgorod Land as a single and repeated combination. The common fe­atures of all the belts under study are both the composition of each set of plates and the belt de­sign proper. This design included the belt with pla­tes separated by two iron or bronze rings. With the exception of isolated finds all known medieval belt sets from the North-West belong to a single type and they all have been considered in this study. All the complete belt sets come from early Christian male inhumation burials. Most of the graves contai­ning belts were discovered under burial mounds in large funerary pits.

Some of the dead were buried in pits with woo­den structures — «chambers». Such a funerary rite is common for the 10^th century and is connected with the highest social ranks of the North-European soci­ety. Besides the belts and a prestigious funerary rite these male graves stand out from the general mass of burials by finds of weapons.

Our datings of the belt sets are based on materials from Novgorod excavations. An analysis of the fu­nerary inventory enabled us to compress the dates of the medieval Novgorod belt fittings to the second half of the 11^th - the first third of the 12^th century.

The closest parallels to the belts from the Novgo­rod Land are known in Sweden, on the island of Gottland and in Finland. All the complete belts of the «Novgorod» type from Scandinavia were found in burials with an inhumation rite and are dated to the late 10^lh - 12^lh centuries.

Considering the origin of every particular type of plates we connect them with artistic traditions of the Islamic East. Some types of the fittings are also pa­ralleled by specimens from the Volga area.

Novgorod was the only point at the North-East where different types of belt fittings could be united into a single belt set. The connection of the medie­val belt sets with Novgorod is suggested both by the geography of the finds and by a single style of all the belt sets. The find of parts of the earliest of such sets also was made in the cultural layer of Novgorod.

А. Н. Кирпичников. Булавы и кистени из коллекции И. Хойновского в собрании Музея Войска Польского

В 1902 г. киевский собиратель древностей И. Хойновский перевез из Киева в Варшаву свою огромною к очень ценную коллекцию старинных предметов. В 1919 г. после смерти собирателя (в Киеве в 1919 г.) военные изделия его коллекции в 1919 и 1923 гг. были переданы из Национального музея в Варшаве в Музей Войска Польского, где и находятся поныне. В 1996 г. во время работы в Музее Войска Польского мне любезно предоставлены находки из коллекции Хойновского. На основании карточного каталога и архивных данных удалось уточнить паспортизацию конкретных предметов и изучить привезенные из Киева четыре бронзовых и одну железную булавы, а также семь бронзовых кистеней.

В их состав входят: две булавы с 12-ти пирамидальными шипами (Киев-?, Хмельная бывшая Киевская губ., рис. 1–2), одно навершие округлой формы с как бы выпиленными гранями (бывшая Киевская губ., рис. 5), навершие с шестью фигурно оформленными гранями (Хмельная, бывшая Киевская губ., это один из европейски известных наиболее ранних по времени шестоперов, рис. 6, 3 и 7). Среди кистеней оказались четыре шарообразных и продолговато-округлой формы (бывшая Киевская губ., включая Таганчу и Княжу Гору, рис. 8–11), два грушевидных образца с черневым орнаментом на лицевых поверхностях в виде лент и завитков (Киев и бывшая Киевская губ., рис. 12–13) наконец, один в виде куба со срезанными углами (Княжа Гора бывшей Киевской губ., рис. 14).

Большинство перечисленных булав и кистеней имеет древнерусские аналогии, изготовлены в Киеве и других южнорусских городах во второй половине XII – первой половине XIII в. Грушевидные кистени – южнорусское изобретение предмонгольского времени. Рассматриваемые ударные средства употреблялись как конными так и пешими воинами, чтобы в рукопашной схватке оглушить противника, вывести его из боя, но не обязательно убить.

В целом, воинские изделия коллекции Хойновского, а кроме булав и кистеней в их числе, мечи, наконечники копий и стрел, боевые топоры, ценный, до сих пор почти не использованный, источник для изучения вооружения домонгольской Руси.

A. N. Kirpichnikov. Maces and war-flails from I. Chojnovsky’s collection in the Museum of the Polish Army

In 1902 I. Chojnovsky, a Kiev gatherer of antiquities, brought his huge and very precious collection of antiques from Kiev to Warsaw. After the collector’s death (Kiev, 1919) the weapons belonging to his collection passed in 1919 and 1923 from the National Museum of Warsaw to the Museum of the Polish Army where they have been preserved till present. In 1966, during my studies in the Museum of the Polish Army I had a kind permission to examine the finds from Chojnovsky’s collection. The index cards and archive evidence enabled us to document more precisely some objects and to study four bronze maces and an iron one, as well as seven bronze war-flails from Kiev.

The objects under discussion included: two maces with 12 pyramidal spikes (Kiev?, Khmelnaya in the former Kiev Province, figs. 1–2), one mace-head of rounded form with the facets that looked like if filed down (the former Kiev Province, fig. 5), a mace-head having six figured facets (Khmelnaya in the former Kiev Province; this is one of the earliest six-ribbed maces known in Europe; figs. 6, 3 and 7). Among the war-flails there were four of globular or oblong rounded form (the former Kiev Province including Tagancha and Knyazha Gora, figs. 8-11), two pear-shaped specimens with niello patterns on the facial surfaces in form of bands and volutes (Kiev and the former Kiev Province, figs. 12–13), and finally a specimen in form of cube with truncated corners (Knyazha Gora of the former Kiev Province, fig. 14).

Most of the maces and war-flails described have ancient Russian parallels made in Kiev and other South-Russian towns in the second half of the 12th – first half of the 13th century. The pear-shaped war-flails are a South-Russian invention of the pre-Mongolian period. The striking weapons discussed were used both by mounted and unmounted warriors to stun the enemy in close fight and neutralise him but not necessarily to kill.

In general, the weapons from Chojnovsky’s collection which include also swords, spear-heads, arrow-heads, and war-axes, present a valuable and almost unstudied source for the investigation of arms of the pre-Mongolian Rus.

Л. И. Смирнова. Проколки (хронология и функциональное назначение)

L. I. Smirnova. So-called piercing Tolls (chronology and function)

Among numerous products in bone materials there are quite a few broad categories which en­compass objects of uncertain function. The terms themselves are rather vague, for they either combi­ne into one category items of different function, or are misleading. Thus, it is not always clear what so-called «ends» terminated, or what was pierced with so-called «piercing tools». This contribution was originally supposed to be an attempt to distinguish groups of objects according to their function in the rather amorphous category known as «piercing to­ols», based on the evidence of objects from medie­val Novgorod. However, the study of the chronolo­gical distribution of these finds from the cultural de­posits of the town led to a discussion of the wider problems of the development of cloth production

and the dates for the innovative introduction of the horizontal loom to Novgorod and medieval Europe.

There are over a thousand items in the Novgorod collection of «piercing tools». Objects are numbe­red within the category on the basis of morphologi­cal features. Except for a few antler objects with pointed ends, most of the so-called piercing tools were made out of specific animal bones, one epip­hysal end being cut off and the shaft being pointed and the other end being left intact and used as a handle. The basic form of the object suggests three possible functions: piercing (function of needle), fastening (function of pin) and loosening while pla­iting or untangling knots (function of sailor's kni­fe). Obviously, an object might have been multi­functional. However, close examination of use marks on the surface of these tools gives a clue to their main function. For instance, the area of polis­hed surface, which could be a result of rubbing bone against cloth or leather, might be limited to the pointed end or the whole shaft. The analysis of characteristic features of pointed bone objects from Novgorod and the comparative analysis of similar tools from other European sites made it possible to define two main functional groups and examine their chronological and spatial distribution in the cultural deposits of the medieval town.

Pig fibula pins. Nearly 400 items among 'piercing tools' have been numbered as pins. These are made out of pig fibulae (Fig. 1). The bone is naturally de­signed to be easily turned into a simple pin. It is both thin, which requires little modification at one end, and strong to bear considerable stress. Both ends are flat and slightly expand forming a flat, tri­angular head to the pin. Unfused bones of young animals were frequently used. Although both ends are suitable, Novgorod pig fibula pins demonstrate preference for the use of distal ends as pin heads. Most ends are not modified and only about a quar­ter of heads have been worked to give them a rec­tangular, round or other shape. Some pins (less than one third) have one or a few perforations in the head. Although some authors thought that these pig fibula objects with perforations were needles, MacGregor's arguments for pins are convincing eno­ugh (MacGregor 1985). Novgorod pig fibulae with copper-alloy chains or bells attached to the head pro­vide complimentary evidence to MacGregor's theory.

Pig fibula pins from various sites in Northern Europe are found in contexts dated to a period from the Iron Age to the Middle Ages. In Novgo­rod they are recorded throughout the stratigraphi­cal sequence, but they were more frequent in the deposits dated to 1240-1370 and most popular in 1280-1310 (Fig. 2).

Pin-beaters. There are 633 finds of pointed tools in the Novgorod collection. The tools are usually from 7 to 10 cm long. Normally the very end of the tool is characteristically polished. Only 7 of them are made of antler. All the rest are modified animal bones. Some particular elements of animal skeleton were preferred for a very simple reason: they requi­red but very little skill and effort to be converted into tools (Table 1). It is obvious that skeletal ele­ments of medium size animals (sheep/goat/dog/pig) were selected systematically. They predominate among other identifiable bones. On the other hand, horse peripheral metapodiae were very popular (Fig. 4). They are of suitable size and naturally designed for a pointed tool. Besides, every animal has 8 perip­heral metapodiae. Generally, domestic animals pro­vided the bulk of raw materials for making piercing tools, but wild animals' bones were also used when available. Among unusual bones a catfish's fin bone and bear's penis bone can be mentioned.

The chronological distribution of «piercing tools» in Novgorod is rather peculiar (Fig. 5). Most of them come from 10^th century deposits. In the cour­se of the 11^th they gradually become less frequent. A noticeable decline in the use of pointed tools oc­curred around the turn of the 11^th and 12^th centuri­es. From the 12^th century onward these tools beco­me very rare finds. It is noteworthy that pointed to­ols made of animal bones have been recorded in small numbers on Ilyinsky, Mikhailovsky, Buyany, Kozmodemyansky, Duboshin, Lyudogoshensky and Nerevsky sites, where at least late 11^th century deposits were excavated. On Troitsky and Nerevsky sites with well preserved 10^th - 11^lh century layers hundreds of these tools have been encountered. It would therefore appear that we have here a catego­ry of finds that dates to a very specific period. Si­milar objects are known from 9-11^th century depo­sits in other early urban and proto-urban Russian sites: Old Ladoga, Ryric and Gnezdovo fortified settlements and from contemporary rural settle­ments. In Novogrudok and Beloozero they were found only in the earliest horizons.

The drastic decrease in the use of pointed bone tools around late 11^th - early 12^h centuries indicates some economic activity which ceased or at least sharply declined by this time. Spatial distribution of the objects on the town properties demonstrates that in the 10^th-11^th centuries they were among the most common items. If they were tools for piercing leather or other materials, the decline in further use would be puzzling. Some new more effective tools might have replaced pointed bone, but we do not know of any objects in the later period which could be regarded as their substitute.

For an unknown reason, one of the most probable functions of pointed bones as pin-beaters for cloth production on warp-weighted looms has never been taken into consideration by Russian archaeologists. This type of loom was in use for about two millennia. On some remote farms on Norwegian islands warp-weighted loom survived till the 1940^s (Hoffman 1964).

The warp-weighted loom was a very simple cons­truction, which required little space in the house and could be easily taken to pieces (Fig. 6a). It consisted of two uprights and one removable beam. Tensioning of warp treads was achieved by tying clay or stone weights. The loom frame was placed at an angle against the wall. The weaver stood to work, beating the weft upwards with bone pin-bea­ters and a wooden sword-beater.

The era of its absolute domination came to the end with the introduction of the horizontal foot-operated counterbalance treadle-loom that became widely diffused in Europe during the 11^th century. This date was proved by the evidence from written sources as well as from actual finds of the compo­nents of horizontal looms identified from 11^th cen­tury deposits in Gdansk and Haithabu. The origin of main European cloth producing centres in Fran­ce, Flandres and England coincides with the intro­duction of the horizontal loom, which was a real technological revolution. Much longer pieces of cloth could be produced six times more quickly. It still remains uncertain exactly when and how the new type of loom came to be accepted. It is likely that for some time the two types of loom coexisted, but the use of warp-weighted looms fairly abruptly became limited to household activities. The third type of loom (upright two-beam loom) was used for tapestry making (Fig. 7: 1, 2).

It is very probable that the sharp decline in the use of pointed bone tools (pin-beaters) in Novgo­rod marks the introduction of horizontal looms in the town at the turn of the 11^th and 12^th centuries. One of the main advantages of the new type was the presence of an innovative component.

Pin-beaters were of no use anymore, for instead of a weaving sword, a pin-beater or a comb, a reed was now fitted to the loom between the harness and the cloth beam which the weaver pulled to­wards himself (Fig. 6b). There should have been fe­wer horizontal looms in the town compared with warp-weighted looms in nearly every household, which provided the town dwellers with cloth. Com­ponents of this type of loom, including pulley blocks, treadles and heddle-horses must be, there­fore, extremely rare finds from the early stage of the introduction of the loom. Kolchin suggested that the horizontal loom was not introduced into Novgorod until the 13^th century on the basis of the evidence from the finds of its components. But the acceptance of the new innovation might be also in­dicated by the rejection of the wide use of the old type of loom. The use of warp-weighted looms can be revealed by the finds of fragments of cloth with their edges, pin-beaters, sword-beaters and clay or stone loom weights. The latter, unfortunately, may be mixed up with sinkers. Cloth fragments with their edge are fairly rare finds. But all the four fragments identified by Kolchin and Nakhlick as produced on warp-weighted loom were dated to the 10^th-early 12^th centuries. It is possible that some of the wooden toy swords found mainly in the 10^th -11^th century de­posits in Novgorod were weaving swords. Bone pin-beaters, therefore, are the only mass category of ar­tefacts connected with warp-weighted looms.

The analysis of «piercing tools» from Novgorod made it possible to distinguish a group of numerous, well dated objects, define their function and produce an argument for the introduction of horizontal looms at least a century earlier than previously thought.

Т. А. Чукова. Периодизация истории русского средневекового зодчества и эволюция малых архитектурных форм интерьера конца Х — первой трети XIII в.

T. A. Chukova. Periodization of the History of Russian medieval Architecture and the Evolutio of small architectural Forms in the late 10^th – first third of the 13^th Century Interiors

In 1977 P. A. Rappoport defined and characteri­sed three periods in the pre-Mongolian architecture. The presented here consideration of a more particu­lar subject within this context — the architecture of interiors — enabled us to propose some observations and conclusions relating to the correlation between the processes which took place in the sphere of mo­numental and small architectural forms in the end of the 10th - first third of 13th centuries B. C.

1. The small architectural forms of the interiors of the Kiev period buildings (late 10th — early 12th centuries) not only demonstrate their genetic con­nection with Byzantine architecture but also the al­ready beginning at that time search for its interpre­tation on the Russian basis, that was stipulated first of all by local building traditions, material sources and technical possibilities.

2. Two trends are obvious in the development of small architectural forms in the 12th century: a fur­ther adaptation to the local materials and technical possibilities and the appearance of local peculiariti­es characteristic of particular building centres.

3. The third and last period of the pre-Mongoli­an architecture which began in the late 12th — ear­ly 13th century did not introduce any principal changes into the architecture of interiors, however, it was marked more considerably in comparison with the precedent ones by uniformity of small arc­hitectural forms (types, materials) which matched local peculiarities.

Ю. Е. Варваровский (†). К вопросу о "теории двух Сараев" и локализации города Гюлистана

Уже во второй половине XIX в. интерес к джучидским городам, подкрепленный работами Х.М. Френа и началом систематического изучения Царевского городища, перерастает в бурную полемику на предмет местонахождения столичных ордынских центров. Результатом длительной дискуссии явилось признание сосуществования на Нижней Волге двух ордынских столиц – Сарая и Сарая ал-Джедид, идентифицируемых соответственно с Селитренным и Царевским городищами. Сформулированная в прошлом столетии и получившая полное признание со стороны современных исследователей “теория двух Сараев”, продолжает аргументироваться посредством двух независимых сообщений: указания Ибн Арабшаха о времени основания “второй” джучидской столицы и сведений карты Фра Мауро, представляющей обозначения двух Сараев.

Детальный, проведенный автором анализ последнего источника заставляет, однако, признать наличие на карте Фра Мауро лишь одной ордынской столицы, в то время как “Сарай Великий”, применительно к политической ситуации XV в., скорее соответствует “Большой Орде” или “Великой Орде Златой” русских источников. Правомерность такой идентификации подтверждается также следующей ремаркой итальянского картографа: “эта величайшая провинция Россия или Сарматия граничит на востоке с Белым Морем, на западе – с Германским морем, на юге – с Сараем и Куманией, и на севере – с Пермией”, где под “Сараем”, “Куманией” и “Пермией” явно подразумеваются отдельные области, но никак не городские центры. Целый ряд картографических источников свидетельствует об имевшей место транстопонимизации – отождествлении не только всего государства, но и Нижнего Поволжья а также Каспийского моря с названием золотоордынской столицы.

Средневековые нарративные источники также прямо не указывают на существование двух золотоордынских столиц.

Указанная Ибн Арабшахом хронология существования Сарая, определенная сроком в 63 года, служила одним из основных аргументов в пользу отождествления “Нового Сарая” с Царевским городищем, в культурном слое которого наиболее ранние монеты датированы 30-ми гг. XIV в., тогда как деструкция этого центра соотносится с походом Тимура 1395 г. Однако данное свидетельство противоречиво, поскольку в другом месте своего сочинения Ибн Арабшах называет основателем этого же города хана Берке (1256–1266 гг.). Очевидно, что использование определений типа “Улус Джучи”, “Улус Бату”, “Улус Берке”, “Улус Узбека”, равно как и наименования ордынской столицы, переданные в сочетании с именами Бату, Берке, Джанибека и Бердибека, не подразумевают географическое разграничение называемых объектов.

С приходом к власти хана Джанибека в 1341 г. в репертуаре надписей сарайских дирхемов впервые встречается эпитет “ал-джедид” (новый), обыкновенно объясняемый исследователями как наименование нового монетного и городского центра. Следует, однако, отметить, что прилагательное “ал-джедид” переводится с арабского не только как “новый”, но также имеет и другие значения (“обновленный”, “восстановленный”, “счастливый”, “благополучный”). Возможно, что в данном случае дополнение “ал-джедид” имело переносное значение, закрепляющее за Сараем его статус столичного центра суверенного государства, свободного от каких-либо обязательств перед пекинской администрацией. В практике восточного градостроительства известен также случай, когда султанские дворцы с названиями “Иски-Сарай” и “Сарай-и Джедид” располагались в пределах одного городского центра – Стамбула. Указанные замечания, а также целый ряд нумизматических наблюдений позволяют автору выразить сомнение в правомерности истолкования эпитета “ал-джедид” на монетах Азака, Булгара, Гюлистана, Маджара, Каффы, Крыма, Орды, Сарая, Сыгнака, Хаджи-Тархана и Шехра как обозначения “новых” городских центров, существующих в ряде случаев одновременно со “старыми”. Приведенный перечень называет почти все известные центры Поволжья и западной части Ак-Орды XIV в., однако, существование большинства из этих гипотетически “новых” городов не подтверждается ни свидетельствами письменных источников, ни археологическими данными. Скорее всего, здесь прослеживается своеобразная узаконенная традиция, отражающая отдельные изменения городского статуса в существующей системе политико-административной иерархии.

Особое внимание в настоящей статье уделено проблеме локализации Гюлистана и Сарая ал-Джедид. К настоящему времени в этом вопросе выдвинуты три основные версии: 1) Гюлистан являлся пригородом Сарая (Zambaur 1968; Янина 1970); 2) Гюлистан представлял собой отдельный город и находился в Нижнем Поволжье (Федоров-Давыдов 1960; Егоров 1980, 1985); 3) Гюлистан – монетный двор, расположенный в районе Булгара или в самом этом городе (Мухамадиев 1983). Последовательность правлений ордынских владетелей 60-х гг. XIV в., известная по монетам указанных центров, свидетельствует, однако, как о политическом, так и о географическом разграничении Сарая ал-Джедид и Гюлистана. После смерти хана Хызра (весна 1361 г.) и до начала правления хана Азиз-Шейха (1364 г.) эти центры контролировались разными династами, выпускавшими здесь собственную монету.

Получение более конкретных указаний оказывается возможным лишь на основе изучения состава монетных коллекций соответствующих поволжских памятников. В силу ограниченности радиуса обращения медных джучидских монет, основное внимание уделяется именно этой части нумизматического материала. Результаты анализа монетных коллекций с Селитренного, Царевского и Булгарского городищ сведены в таблицы 1-3. Приведенные данные демонстрируют общую нивелировку обращения медных сарайских монет на всех рассматриваемых памятниках до 763 г.х. (= 1361/1362 гг.). В последующее время Селитренное городище отличается сравнительно высоким содержанием пулов Сарая ал-Джедид (тб. 1), имевших прежде сходное значение с соответствующим показателем царевской нумизматической коллекции. В то же время, в царевском комплексе медных монет 60-х гг. преобладают пулы гюлистанской чеканки (тб.2), тогда как содержание последних в культурном слое Селитренного городища чрезвычайно мало. Такая ситуация может свидетельствовать об определенной изолированности, начиная с 1362 г. денежного обращения Царева с одной стороны, и Селитренного городища – с другой. Указанное положение явилось следствием конфронтации между различными группировками аристократии, во время которой столичные центры Ак-Орды неоднократно становились объектами притязаний со стороны враждующих правителей. Состав коллекции пулов с Булгарского городища и Ага-Базара (тб.3) не обнаруживает сколько-нибудь существенного преобладания медных монет 60-х гг. одного из рассматриваемых центров чеканки и демонстрирует лишь относительную равномерность проникновения на местный рынок монетной продукции как Сарая ал-Джедид, так и Гюлистана. С 1362 г. наблюдается некоторое ограничение поступлений в Булгар разменной монеты нижневолжских центров чеканки.

Приведенные в работе процентные характеристики монетных комплексов золотоордынских городов Поволжья и их оценка с учетом презумпции как географического, так и политического разграничения Сарая ал-Джедид и Гюлистана, предполагают единственно приемлемые, при данном подходе, выводы:

1. Гюлистан, в качестве самостоятельного монетного и городского центра, следует идентифицировать с Царевским городищем. До организации в Гюлистане собственного монетного производства, потребности местного денежного обращения обеспечивались, главным образом, за счет поступлений сарайской монетной продукции, Именно этим объясняется общее количественное преобладание медных сарайских монет первой половины XIV в. в составе царевской нумизматической коллекции.

2. Известные по данным нумизматики монетные дворы Сарай и Сарай ал-Джедид располагались в пределах одного городского центра, который следует отождествлять с Селитренным городищем.

Yu. E. Varvarovskiy (†). On the “theory of two Sarais” and localisation of the town of Gyulistan

Already in the second half of the 19th century the interest in Juchid towns which was supported in works by Ch. M. Fraehn and the beginning of systematic studies on the townsite of Tsarev developed into an acute dispute concerning the location of the Horde’s metropolitan centres. The long discussion resulted in acknowledging the co-existence of two Horde’s capitals in the Lower Volga region – Sarai and Sarai-al-Jedid which are identified with the townsites of Selitrennoe and Tsarev correspondingly. The “theory of two Sarais” proposed in the 19th century and wholly recognised by modern scholars has found a further confirmation in two independent attestations: a reference by Ibn-Arabshah on the time of the foundation of the “third” Juchid’s capital and an indication denoting both Sarais contained on the map composed by Fra Mauro.

However, a more detailed analysis of the latter source compels us to recognise the location of only one of the Horde’s capitals on the map of Fra Mauro while the name of “Sarai the Great” in terms of the political situation in the 15th century most probably may correspond to the “Great Horde” or “The Great Golden Horde” of the Russian sources. Moreover, such an identification is justified by the following remark of the Italian cartographer: “this great province of Russia or Sarmatia borders with the White Sea on the east, with the German Sea on the west, with Sarai and Kumania on the south, and with Permia on the north”; it is obvious that some separate regions and by no means any urban centres are implied here under “Sarai”, “Kumania” and “Permia”. Quite a number of cartographic sources suggest the fact that a transtoponimisation had taken place — an identification of not only the entire state but even of the whole Lower Volga area as well as of the Caspian Sea with the name of the Golden Horde’s capital.

The medieval narrative sources also do not imply directly the existence of two capitals in the Golden Horde.

The chronology of Sarai’s existence during the period of 63 years indicated by Ibn-Arabshah was one of the main arguments in favour of the identification of the “New Sarai” with the townsite of Tsarev. In the cultural layer of the latter the earliest coins are dated to the 30s of the 14th century while the destruction of this centre corresponds to the Timur’s campaign of 1395. However the mentioned evidence is controversial since in another place of his work Ibn-Arabshah calls Khan Berke (1256–66) the founder of the same city. The use of such definitions as “Ulus of Juchi”, “Ulus of Batu”, “Ulus of Berke”, and “Ulus of Uzbek”, as well as the appellations of Horde’s capital given in combination with the names of Batu, Berke, Janibek and Berdibek, obviously do not imply a geographical discrimination of the cited objects.

After Khan Janibek came to power in 1341 the repertory of the inscriptions on Sarai dirhems for the first time included the epithet of “al-jedid” (the new) which is usually understood by researchers as the appellation of a new minting and urban centre. One must however point out that the adjective “al-jedid” may be translated from Arabian not only as “the new” but it has also other meanings (“renewed”, “restored”, “happy”, “favourable”). In the present case the addition of “al-jedid” possibly had a figurative meaning assigning to Sarai its status of the metropolitan centre of a sovereign state free from any obligations to the Pekin administration. Moreover, in the practice of the eastern town-planning also the cases have been attested when Sultan’s palaces called “Iski-Sarai” and “Sarai-i Jedid” were situated within the boundary of a single urban centre — Stamboul. All the mentioned above together with quite a number of numismatic evidences enable us to doubt the correctness of the interpretation of the epithet “al-jedid” on coins from Azak, Bulgar, Gyulistan, Majar, Kaffa, Crimea, Horde, Sarai, Sygnak, Khaji-Tarkhan and Shekhr as a designation of “new” urban centres co-existent in some cases simultaneously with the “old” ones. The list presented here includes almost all the known centres in the Volga area and the western part of Ak-Horde of the 14th century, however, the existence of the majority of these hypothetically “new” towns is not corroborated neither by written sources nor by archaeological evidences. Most probably, here a peculiar settled tradition may be traced which reflects some isolated changes in the urban status in terms of the existent system of the political and administrative hierarchy.

In the present paper special attention has been devoted to the problem of localisation of Gyulistan and Sarai-al-Jedid. At present, three major hypotheses have been proposed concerning this problem: 1) Gyulistan was a suburb of Sarai (Zambaur 1968; Янина 1970); 2) Gyulistan was a separate town situated in the Lower Volga region (Федоров-Давыдов 1960; Егоров 1980, 1985); 3) Gyulistan was a mint situated near Bulgar or within this city (Мухамадиев 1983). However, the sequence of Horde’s rulers of the 1360s known to us by coins from the centres mentioned above suggests both the political and geographical differentiation between Sarai-al-Jedid and Gyulistan. During the period after the death of Khan Khyzra (spring of 1361) and before the beginning of the rule of Khan Aziz-Sheikh (1364) these centres were controlled by different dynasts who issued here there own coin.

More certain indications may be obtained only on the basis of consideration of the composition of coin collections from the corresponding Volga sites. Due to the limited radius of the circulation of copper Juchid coins we devoted the main attention to the latter part of the numismatic material. The results of the analysis of collections of copper from the townsites of Selitrennoe, Tsarev and Bulgar are given in tables 1–3. The data presented demonstrate a general levelling of the circulation of copper Sarai coins at all the considered sites till 763 H. (1361/1362). During the subsequent period, the townsite of Selitrennoe is characterised by a relatively high content of puls of Sarai-al-Jedid (table 1) which earlier had been similar to that of the Tsarev’s numismatic collection. At the same time, the puls of Gyulistan’s coinage dominate in the Tsarev set of copper coins dated to the 60s (table 2) while the content of these puls in the cultural layer of the Selitrennoe townsite is extremely small. This fact probably indicates a certain isolation since 1362 of Tsarev’s monetary circulation on the one hand and of Selitrennoe’s one on the other. This situation resulted from a confrontation between different aristocratic groups in the course of which the metropolitan centres of Ak-Horde on frequent occasions became the objects of claims of the hostile rulers. The composition of the collection of puls from the Bulgar townsite and Aga-Bazar (table 3) does not show any essential prevalence of copper coins of the 60s from some single minting centre and it demonstrates just a relative uniformity of the penetration to the local market of monetary products both from Sarai-al-Jedid and Gyulistan. Since 1362 a certain limitation in supplying Bulgar with small change from the Lower Volga coinage centres is observed.

The percent characteristics of the coin sets from Golden Horde’s Volga towns presented in this work and their evaluation with the presumption of both the geographical and political discrimination of Sarai-al-Jedid and Gyulistan suggest the solely acceptable in such an approach conclusions:

1. Gyulistan as an independent minting and urban centre should be identified with the Tsarev townsite. Before the organisation of its own coinage in Gyulistan the local needs in monetary circulation were provided mainly with the monetary products coming from Sarai. It is this fact that the general quantitative prevalence of Sarai copper coins dating to the first half of the 14th century in the composition of the Tsarev numismatic collection may be explained by.

2. The mints of Sarai and Sarai-al-Jedid known from the numismatic evidence were situated within the limits of a single urban centre which must be identified with the townsite of Selitrennoe.

А. Н. Егорьков, М. Б. Днепровская. Органическое связующее стенописных красок храма Богородицы средневекового грузинского пещерного монастыря Бертубани

A. N. Yegorkov, M.B.Dneprovskaya. On the organic binder of wall paints from the Virgin Church of Bertubani, Georgian medieval cavern monastery

The organic binder of wall paints of the Virgin church (12th-13th cen.) presents a favourable object for investigation due to a short period of church action and a better conservation of paint binder caused by gypsum character of plaster. The method used for examination of paint binder was developed by one of the authors (A.N.Y.) and deals with organic, predominantly fatty and oxalic, acids extracted from paint layer and plaster.

In most cases the concentration of acids in paint layer (Fig. 1 а, в) is prevalent vs. that in the underlying plaster (Fig. 1 б) and the composition of extracted acids, both from paint layer and plaster, is found to be mostly the same (Fig. 3 а-г). It suggests that the organic components of plaster are originated from the paint binder medium. However, in one case (Fig. 3 д) the composition of plaster acids shows the usage of milky product for preparation of plaster that is evident from a higher palmitic/stearic acid ratio and the presence of myristic acid attributive for the milk fatty acid composition. The comparison of the extracted acids (Fig. 3 д) with those of milk (Fig. 1 д) makes comprehensible the way of the fatty acids transformation: the mural acids are enriched with higher homologues, i.e. the palmitic/stearic ratio decreases with time. Thus, the coincidence of the palmitic/stearic ratio in mural acids and a possible precursor cannot be commonly crucial for the identification of binder medium. The palmitic/stearic ratio 1.7 for the Virgin church mural acids (Fig. 2 г) is the lowest vs. those measured for possible precursor such as acids of goat milk 5.9 (Fig. 2 а), egg yolk 2.7 (Fig. 2 в) and animal glue 1.8 (Fig. 2 б), but in spite of the proximity of this ratio to that for the animal glue, the egg yolk or whole egg are proposed as binder medium for Bertubani mural painting.

The unsaturated fatty acids of organic binder polymerise with time and remain in a wall with a very low concentration (Fig. 2 г, peak 4). On the other hand, some peaks of unidentified products as well as the oxalic acid are visible on the chromatograms of mural acids (Fig 1 а, в; Fig. 2гz; Fig 3 а-г). Certainly, these components are informative for identification of paint medium.

АКТУАЛЬНЫЕ ПРОБЛЕМЫ АРХЕОЛОГИИ

Е. В. Цвек. Восточнотрипольская культура и контакты ее носителей с энеолитическими племенами Европы

В эпоху энеолита миграционные процессы, происходившие в Юго-Восточной Европе, привели к сложению нескольких крупных историко-культурных общностей. По мнению ряда исследователей неолитическая культура Боян является одним из генетических компонентов двух крупных энеолитических культур - Гумельницы и Прекукутени – Раннее Триполье. На поздней фазе развития в некогда монолитной культуре Прекукутени – Раннее Триполье ощущается тенденция к дифференциации (Збенович 1989: 187–200).

Ha западе, за Днестром, приток новых этнических элементов вызывает формирование новой кукутенской культуры, в которой очень быстро исчезают признаки прекукутенской. (Сорокин, 1991: 83–85). Одна из основных черт культуры Кукутень – наличие в керамическом комплексе 60–80% сосудов, украшенных полихромной или монохромной росписью и большое количество антропоморфной пластики.

Эволюция от раннего к среднему Триполью на территории восточного ареала (бассейны рек Южного Буга и Днепра) проходила более спокойно. Здесь долго сохраняются раннетрипольские традиции, постепенно уступавшие место инновациям, связанным с появлением импортной керамики и изменениями в домостроительстве, идеологии и хозяйстве. На востоке зарождается новое культурное явление, отличное от западной синхронной кукутенской культуры. Исходя из общепризнанных в российской и украинской археологии критериев определения термина “археологическая культура”, можно констатировать зарождение внутри кукутено-трипольской общности отдельной восточнотрипольской культуры и проследить ее структуру и процесс развития (Цвек 1989, 1999). Её памятники занимают территорию между Южным Бугом и Днепром 1 (рис. 1). Их объединяет общность происхождения и идеологических представлений, традиций в хозяйстве и, особенно керамическом производстве. На протяжении многовекового существования население стойко сохраняло традицию оформления керамики углублённым орнаментом (40–50%). При отправлении культов почти не употреблялась антропоморфная пластика. Имеются отличия в домостроительстве и планировке поселений. В пору наивысшего расцвета племена восточнотрипольской культуры достигают значительного уровня экономического развития, усложняется их мировоззрение. Ритуалы, связанные с культом плодородия и другие отправляются в поселенческих святилищах или на домашних алтарях. (Цвек 1993: 74–76; рис. 2: 2). В этот период получают распространение крупные по размерам поселения со сложной планировкой, уличной системой застройки и большим количеством жителей. Они играли роль экономических и культурных центров трипольского общества восточного региона. Одно из них – Веселый Кут имело площадь около 150 га (Цвек 1995: 33–44; рис. 2: 1). Поселения застраиваются усадьбами с жилыми и хозяйственными постройками. Дома – одноэтажные, двух-трехкамерные наземные, глинобитные постройки (рис. 2: 4). В их интерьере – лежанки, купольные печи, алтари. Особенно знаменательно большое количество специализированных кожевенных, косторезных, камнеобрабатывающих мастерских. Среди них выделяется керамический производственный комплекс с совершенными по конструкции гончарными двухярусными горнами (рис. 2: 3). О высоком уровне гончарного ремесла свидетельствует также и керамика памятников восточнотрипольской культуры. Особого совершенства достигает посуда с углублённо – желобчатой и каннелированной орнаментацией. Типичными формами первой являются грушевидные сосуды с крышками, кратеры, биноклевидные сосуды. Их углублённый орнамент с белым пастовым заполнением эффектно выглядит на подлощенной палевой или темно-серой поверхности. В системе орнамента спиральные ленты, антропоморфные элементы, лунарные и солярные знаки (рис. 3).

Сравнительный анализ признаков, характеризующих кукутенскую и восточнотрипольскую культуры, показывает их значительные отличия в материальной и духовной жизни, еще раз подчеркивает самостоятельность восточнотрипольской культуры (рис. 4).

В рамках восточнотрипольской культуры выделяются четыре локальных варианта (Цвек 1999: рис. 1). Большая часть памятников буго-днепровского варианта расположена в бассейнах рек Рось, Горный и Гнилой Тикич. Основные поселения – Зарубинцы, Красноставка, Оноприевка, Веселый Кут, Мирополье, Гарбузин. Накопленный материал позволяет раскрыть его внутреннюю структуру, состоящую из шести групп (гнезд) – памятников, отражающих развитие во времени отдельного социального коллектива от начала и до конца существования общин этого локального варианта (Цвек 1985: 44).

Второй вариант – северобугский (по И. Зайцу) или среднебугский (по С. Гусеву) – объединяет памятники северной части среднего течения Южного Буга, а также бассейн р. Соб. Поселения этого локального варианта (Борисовка, Печера, Клищев и др.), имея общую генетическую основу с памятниками Буго-Днепровского междуречья, в ходе развития приобрели своеобразный этнографический облик.

Территория распространения третьего, южнобугского локального варианта невелика и ограничена с юга средней частью течения Южного Буга, с запада рекой Удич, с востока нижним течением реки Синюха. Северной границей, вероятно, была река Большая Высь. Поселения – Березовка, Сабатиновка 1, Кошаринцы, Колодистое.

Формирование четвертого Днепровского варианта относится к середине развитого Триполья. Причиной продвижения населения восточнотрипольской культуры на Днепр явилось внутреннее ее развитие и проникновение в Буго-Днепровское междуречье кукутенских племен.

Локальные варианты восточнотрипольской культуры едины в своем происхождении, но каждый из них имеет яркие отличительные особенности в духовном и материальном облике. Своеобразие им придали контакты с соседними родственными и иноэтничными племенами Европы.

Крупной культурно-исторической областью Подунавья эпохи энеолита была Лендельская, в которую как локальные группы входили памятники Западной Словакии, Польши, Западной Волыни и Северного Прикарпатья (Пелещишин 1974: 104–116; 1985: 263-268). Почти с начала своего развития племена восточнотрипольской культуры вступили с ними в контакт. Во второй половине этапа В1 связи с культурой Лендель документируют материалы из поселений Тараща, Гребля, Красноставка и др. На памятниках этого типа нами выделена группа тонкостенных сосудов с накольчато-ямочным орнаментом (рис. 5: 4). Ямки располагаются под венчиком, их композиции украшают плечики сосудов. Эта новая группа керамики не имеет корней в культуре Прекукутени – Раннее Триполье. Через территорию Буго-Днепровского локального варианта расписная керамика из центров Днестра проникает на Днепр (Веремье).

Контакты продолжаются и на этапе В11. Серолощенная керамика с монохромной темно-коричневой росписью, типичная для днепровского поселения Раковец в единичных экземплярах встречена в Веселом Куте. В большем количестве аналогичные сосуды выявлены на более поздних поселениях типа Мирополье буго-днепровского локального варианта восточнотрипольской культуры. Поселение Раковец и синхронные ему памятники Поднестровья Е. К. Черныш датирует этапом В11, по периодизации Т. С. Пассек и относит его к сорокско-петренскому варианту. Т. А. Попова считает более приемлемой датой бытования этих памятников середину этапа В11, что согласуется с нашей датировкой Мирополья. В конце этапа В1-В11 со Среднего Поднестровья общины поздних фаз залещицкой группы переселяются на Верхний Днестр. Здесь складывается выделенный В. Круцом и С. Рыжовым особый локальный вариант культуры. Переселившиеся общины занимают территорию бассейна Днестра от p. Большой Луки в районе Незвиско и выше по течению. Они образуют небольшие поселки с гнездообразным размещением жилищ. Район Верхнего Поднестровья привлекал население большими залежами высококачественного туронского кремня, многочисленными выходами минеральных соляных источников (Круц, Рыжов 1997: 23-32). Вероятно, в этот период на Среднем и Верхнем Поднестровье происходят какие-то демографические процессы. Залещицкие общины еще на этапе В1-В11 вступили в контакт с населением восточнотрипольской культуры. Их потомки, переселившиеся на Верхний Днестр продолжают эти связи, о чем свидетельствуют материалы из Веселого Кута.

На заключительном этапе развитого Триполья (вторая половина этапа В11) в Побужье и Буго-Днепровском междуречье появляется ряд поселений Гарбузин на Роси, Гордашевка на Горном Тикиче, Андреевка и Лекарево на Большой Выси, Тростянчик на Южном Буге и др. Сопоставление керамических комплексов этих памятников выявило их сходство и различие. На всех поселениях присутствует довольно большое количество сосудов (40-60%), украшенных росписью. Для этой группы керамики характерно сочетание темно-коричневого монохромного орнамента с ярко-оранжевым или красным ангобом, нанесенным на тщательно залощенную поверхность. В композициях присутствуют круги, овалы, растительные элементы, реже антропоморфные изображения (рис. 8: 11–16, 18, 20). Если эта керамика на всех перечисленных поселениях почти идентична, то сопровождающие ее сосуды с углубленным орнаментом и керамика с примесью ракушки имеет яркие местные локальные черты. Это позволяет предположить какой-то одновременный импульс с Верхнего Днестра (Бучач, Незвиско и др.).

Суммируя вышесказанное, можно констатировать контакты между населением западного и восточного ареала Кукутено-Трипольской общности на протяжении всего развитого Триполья. Характер этих связей был неоднозначен. Если на ранних этапах существования восточнотрипольской культуры контакты с населением Поднестровья и Попрутья носили характер обмена, результатом чего и была импортная расписная керамика, то в конце этапа В11 фиксируется какой-то импульс с Верхнего Днестра на территорию восточнотрипольской культуры. В поисках новых земель кукутенские племена не могли двигаться на запад. За Прутом лежали густонаселенные районы с избыточным населением.

В этих условиях в поисках новых земельных угодий и сырьевых ресурсов кукутенские общины предпочитали двигаться к востоку. Следы движения раньше всего проявляются на Южном Буге (Клищев). В Буго-Днепровском междуречье этот процесс нашел отражение в материалах заключительной фазы Веселокутского поселения, в Мирополье, Гарбузине и др. Очевидно в это время становятся более напряженными отношения племен восточнотрипольской культуры с кукутенским населением. Возможно, это подтверждает находка на поселении Мирополье метательного оружия - глиняных шаров - боласов. В конце развитого Триполья на территории восточного региона происходит сложный процесс, закончившийся ассимиляцией части местного населения восточнотрипольской культуры пришельцами с Днестра.

Восточнотрипольская культура возникнув в первой половине IV тыс. до н.э. (по традиционной хронологии) просуществовала более тысячелетия. Различие топографии и планировки поселений, разнообразные типы построек, совершенствование домостроительных приемов и изменения в керамических комплексах (появление новых и исчезновение старых категорий, групп керамики, форм сосудов, орнаментальных схем и их разное процентное соотношение) позволило выделить в развитии культуры четыре этапа (Цвек 1994: 64–66).

Первый этап (В1) формирование культуры, второй и третий (В1-В11; В11) ее расцвет. В этот период общины восточнотрипольской культуры занимают наибольшую территорию от Южного Буга до Днепра. На IV этапе она резко сокращается. Только на небольшом участке Поднепровья племена восточнотрипольской культуры продолжают свое существование до финальных фаз Триполья, где и завершают свой исторический путь.

E. V. Tsvek. The East Tripolye Culture and Contacts of its Representatives with Eneolithic Tribes of Europe

During the Eneolithic period the migration processes occurring in South-Eastern Europe resulted in the formation of several large historical and cultural societies. A number of scholars considered the Boian Neolithic Culture as one of the genetic components of the two significant Eneolithic cultures – Gumelniţa and Pre-Cucuteni – the early Tripolye. At the later stage of the once monolithic culture of Pre-Cucuteni – the early Tripolye there is a trend to differentiation (Збенович 1989: 187–200).

To the west, beyond the Dnieper, the afflux of new ethnic elements gives rise to formation of the new Cucuteni Culture which loses very fast the features of the Pre-Cucuteni one (Сорокин, 1991: 83–85). One of the major features of the Cucuteni Culture is the presence of 60–80% of vessels decorated with polychrome or monochrome painting among the pottery assemblage and a great quantity of anthropomorphic plastic arts.

The evolution from the early to the late Tripolye on the territory of its eastern area (the basins of the Southern Bug and Dnieper rivers) was occurring more smoothly. Here, the early Tripolian traditions remain for a long time, receding gradually before the innovations linked with the appearance of imported pottery and changes in house-building, ideology and economy. In the East, a new cultural phenomenon arises which differs from the simultaneous western Cucutenian Culture. On the basis of the universally recognised in the Russian and Ukrainian archaeology criteria for the term of “archaeological culture” one may state the rise of a separate East-Tripolian Culture within the Cucuteno-Tripolian community and trace its structure and development (Цвек 1989, 1999). Both are united by the common origin and ideological conceptions, economic traditions, especially, in the ceramic production. During the many centuries of its existence the population firmly retained the tradition of covering pottery with impressed ornamentation (40–50%). The anthropomorphic plastics were seldom used during completion of ritual ceremonies. There are some differences in house-building and house plans. During the period of their maximal development the tribes of the East-Tripolye Culture reach a considerable economic level, their Weltanschauung becomes more complicated. The rites connected with the cult of fertility are performed in settlement sanctuaries or on home altars (Цвек 1993: 74–76; fig. 2: 2). During this period large settlements with complicated plans, system of streets and numerous inhabitants become widely distributed. They played a role of economic and cultural centres of the Tripolian society in the east region. One of the settlements – Vesely Kut – had an area of about 150 hectares (Цвек 1995: 33–44; fig. 2: 1). The settlements are built up with estates composed of dwelling and economic buildings. The houses are one-storied with two or three ground chambers made of mud-bricks (fig. 2: 4). Inside, there are benches, dome-shaped stoves and altars. Especially suggestive are the numerous specialised workshops: the leather dressing, bone carving, stone-working. Among these, a ceramic industrial complex with two-stage kilns of a perfect construction is notable (fig. 2: 3). The high level of the pottery making is indicated also by the ceramics found at sites of the East-Tripolye Culture. The ware with grooved and fluted decorations reaches an especial perfection. The typical forms are pear-shaped vessels with lids, krateres and binocular-shaped vessels. Their impressed ornamentation filled with white paste looks very spectacular against the slightly polished pale-yellow or dark-grey surface. The decoration system involves spiral bands, anthropomorphic elements, lunar and solar signs (fig. 3).

A comparative analysis of the features characterising the Cucuteni and East-Tripolye cultures shows a considerable difference between their material and spiritual lives and emphasise once more the independence of the East-Tripolye Culture.

Within the framework of the East-Tripolye Culture four local variants are distinguished (Цвек 1999: fig. 1). The most of the sites of the Bug-Dnieper variant are located in the basins of the rivers Ros, Gorny Tikich and Gniloy Tikich. The major settlements are Zarubintsy, Krasnostavka, Onoprievka, Vesely Kut, Miropolye and Garbuzin. The materials accumulated enable us to reveal its inner structure consisting of six groups – the sites reflecting the time development of a separate collective from the beginning and to the end of the existence of communities of this local variant (Цвек 1985: 44).

The second variant – the North-Bug (according to I. Zayats) or the Central-Bug one (according to S. Gusev) – unites the sites in the northern part of the central area of Southern Bug and also the basin of the Sob River. The settlements belonging to this local variant (Borisovka, Pechera, Klishchev etc.) acquired in the course of their development a peculiar ethnographic appearance though they have the common genetic basis with the sites in the area between the Bug and Dnieper rivers.

The area of spreading of the third – the South-Bug variant – is not large bounded on the south by the central part of the Southern Bug, on the west by the Udich River, on the east by the lower reaches of the Sinyukha River. The northern boundary possibly was the Bolshaya Vys' River. The settlements are Berezovka, Sabatinovka 1, Kosharintsy and Kolodistoe.

The formation of the Dnieper variant — the fourth one — belongs to the middle of the developed Tripolye Culture. The reason for the migration of the population of the East-Tripolye Culture to the Dnieper was the inner development of this culture and a penetration of Cucutenian tribes to the region between the Bug and Dnieper rivers.

The local variants of the East-Tripolye Culture are uniform in their origin but each one of them has striking peculiarities in their spiritual and material aspects. Their originality resulted of contacts with the neighbouring both ethnically kindred and foreign tribes of Europe.

A large part of the Danube area in the Eneolithic period was the Lengyel region which included as local groups sites of Western Slovakia, Poland, Western Volhynia and Northern Carpathians (Пелещишин 1974: 104–116; 1985: 263–268). The East-Tripolian tribes almost from the beginning of their development were in contact with these sites. The connections with the Lengyel Culture during the second half of period BI are documented in materials from the settlements of Tarashcha, Greblya, Krasnostavka, etc. At the sites of this type we segregated a group of thin-walled vessels with prick-pit ornamentations (fig. 5: 4). The pits are located below the rims and their compositions decorate the shoulders of the vessels. This new group of pottery has no roots in the culture of Pre-Cucuteni – Early-Tripolye. Through the territory of the Bug and Dnieper local variant the painted pottery from the Dniester centres penetrates to the Dnieper (Veremye).

The contacts continue also in BII period. The grey-polished pottery with monochrome dark-brown painting typical to the Dnieper settlement of Rakovets in rare cases is found in Vesely Kut. In large quantities similar vessels are reported from the later settlements of the Miropolye type of the Bug and Dnieper variant of the East-Tripolye Culture. E. K. Chernysh dates the settlement of Rakovets and the sites in the Dniester region contemporary to it to period BII according to the periodization developed by T. S. Passek and assigns it to the Soroki-Petrensky variant. T. A. Popova considers the middle of period BII as a more probable date of the existence of these sites. The latter hypothesis corresponds to our dating of the Miropolye. In the end of period BI–BII communities of the later phases of the Zaleshchye group migrate from the Central Dniester region to the Upper Dniester. There, a separate local cultural variant segregated by V. Kruts and S. Ryzhov develops. The migrated communities occupy the area of the Dniester basin from the Bolshaya Luka River in the vicinity of Nezvisko and upstream. They build small settlements with a nest-like location of the dwellings. The region of the Upper Dniester area attracted the population by rich deposits of the high quality Turonian flints and by numerous mineral salty springs (Круц, Рыжов 1997: 23‑32). Possibly, during that period some demographic processes take place in the Central and Upper Dniester areas. The Zaleshchye communities contacted with the population of the East-Tripolye Culture as early as in period BI–BII. The descendants of the former having migrated to the Upper Dniester continued these contacts as is indicated by materials from Vesely Kut.

At the final stage of the developed Tripolye Culture (the second half of period BII) in the areas of the Bug between the Bug and the Dnieper a number of settlements appear: Garbuzin on the Ros, Gordashevka on the Gorny Tikich, Andreevka and Lekarevo on the Bolshaya Vys', Trostyanchik on the Southern Bug, etc. A comparison of the ceramic assemblages from these sites showed both their similarities and differences. At all the settlements there are a great number of vessels (40–60%) decorated with painting. To this group of pottery a combination of dark-brown monochrome ornamentation with bright-orange or red slip covering a thoroughly polished surface is typical. The patterns contain circles, ovals, floral elements, rarely anthropomorphic representations (fig. 8: 11–16, 18, 20). While this pottery is almost identical at all the settlements listed, the vessels accompanying it with impressed ornamentation and the pottery with inclusions of shells possess striking local features. This fact suggests the existence of some simultaneous impulse from the Upper Dniester (Buchach, Nezvisko etc.).

Summarising all the above-mentioned we may state that the contacts between populations in the western and eastern areas of the Cucuteno-Tripolian community existed during the whole period of the developed Tripolye. The character of these connections was rather ambiguous. While during the early periods of the East-Tripolye Culture contacts with the population of the Dniester and Prut regions were of an exchange character, to the end of period BII some new impulse from the Upper Dniester to the territory of the East-Tripolye Culture is registered. The Cucuteni tribes were not able to move west in search of new lands. Beyond the Prut densely populated regions were lying.

In such conditions the Cucutenian communities preferred moving east in search of new lands and sources of raw materials. The traces of this movement appear first on the Southern Bug (Klishchev). In the area between the Bug and the Dnieper this process is reflected in the materials of the final phase of the Vecely Kut settlement, in Miropolye, Garbuzin et al. Probably, this is the period when the relations of the East-Tripolye tribes with the Cucuteni population become tenser. This fact possibly finds its confirmation in a find of missile weapons – clay balls – at the settlement of Miropolye. In the end of the developed Tripolye period, in the eastern region, a complicated process takes place which results in the assimilation of a part of the local population of the East-Tripolye Culture by the invaders from the Dniester.

The East-Tripolye Culture which appeared in the first half of the 4th mil. B.C. (according to the traditional chronology) has existed for more than a millennium. Differences in topography and plans of the settlements, various types of buildings, the perfection of house-building arts and changes in the ceramic complexes (appearance of new and disappearance of old types of pottery, of schemes of their decoration and their differing percentage) enabled us to segregate four periods in the development of the culture (Цвек 1994: 64–66).

The first period (BI) is the formation of the culture; the second and third ones (BI–BII, BII) are its highest development. During the latter period the communities of the East-Tripolye Culture occupy the largest territory from the Southern Bug to the Dnieper. In the fourth period this territory diminishes abruptly. Only in a small area near the Dnieper tribes of the East-Tripolye Culture continue to exist until the final phases of the Tripolye when they end their historical course.

С. Л. Соловьев. Архаическая Березань (историко-археологический очерк)

S. L. Solovyov. Archaic Berezan: A Historical and Archaeological Sketch

The article introduces the most recent evidence on the history, archaeology, and culture of Borysthenes, the earliest Greek colony in the northern Pontic area. According to Eusebius, it was founded by emigrants from Miletus in the second half of the 7^th century BC. At present there is only one site which satisfies all the respective conditions: the settlement on the island of Berezan situated in the mouth of the two largest rivers of the ancient world: the Borysthenes (Dnieper) and the Hypanis (Southern Bug) (fig. 1). During the Classical Period; this piece of land was much larger and was connected with the coast. The history of Archaic Berezan, spanning more that 150 years, comprises two periods, separated at ca. 550-525 BC.

The fact that ancient Greeks had long been familiar with the Dnieper-Bug area and its population, which in the 7^th century BC consisted mainly of nomadic and seminomadic Scythians, immigrants from the western part of forest-steppe Scythia, contributed to the emergence of mutual interests. Because both the Greeks and the aborigines were interested in maintaining stable contacts (mostly on the trade basis), a permanent settlement emerged on the coast in late 7^th century BC. It may be suggested that fine richly decorated Greek pottery found on Berezan was presented to the local tribal elite whose benevolent attitude was essential for successful trade, safety of the colonists, and the prosperity of the colony. Archaeological materials from Berezan demonstrate that thanks to the successful and active trade policy of Miletus and other eastern Greek cities, the aboriginal population of forest-steppe Scythia became involved in the colonization of the Lower Bug area (judging by certain cultural features, such as constructive practices and the design with which hand-made pottery was decorated, these people were akin to those living in Middle Dnieper and Middle Dniester areas). The third component in the barbarian legacy of archaic Berezan was the culture of the Scythian nomads which is also represented in archaeological finds from the site.

The earliest village, one that emerged on the island in the last decade of the 600^s, was rather barbarian in terms of both culture and population, and it lacked regular layout. Construction proceeded spontaneously in the coastal part of the peninsula.

Dwellings were mostly primitive dug-out or semi-dug-out structures quadrangular or oval in shape, 5-12 sq. m in surface area, with either a very modest interior or, more often, entire lack thereof. Their closest prototypes are dwellings of the forest-steppe Scythians. All the field seasons at Berezan have yielded no more than two dozens of dwelling associations from the 1^st quarter of the 6^th century BC, suggesting that the initial population of the settlement was quite small.

The Greeks constituted just a tiny fraction of early Berezan's population. The trading post founded by them dealt with the exchange of imported Greek goods, primarily wine, for local agricultural production and raw materials used in metalworking. The scarcity of early Greek burials, too, attests to the smallness of the Greek community at that period. However, as the materials of the necropolis demonstrate, its size dramatically increased already in the 2^nd half of the 6^th century BC.

Positive results of contacts between Ionians and Scythians in the Lower Bug area and northwestern Pontic at that time are evidenced by mass colonization of the Dnepr-Bug region. In the course of this interaction, favourable conditions emerged for the foundation of classical-type Greek colonies which from the very beginning were politically organized as poleis and had a multiprofile economy.

In the 3^rd quarter of the 6^th century BC, radical changes affected all aspects of life in the Berezan settlement. The essence of these changes was that the settlement transformed into a classical Greek city of the colonial period. This happened due to the immigration of a large number of Greeks who founded a polis in the mouth of the Borysthenes and named it likewise. Direct exploitation of surrounding lands by the citizens together with the agricultural Scythian population was a substantial addition to Borysthenes's economy which was previously based mostly on trade with the forest-steppe Scythians. At that time, the ideology of the incipient city acquired typically Greek features.

Construction activities in the second period were mainly private. Houses were 100-260 sq. m in surface area and consisted of several living and utility rooms variously oriented with respect to the inner courtyard. Depending on their purpose, the rooms were equipped with ovens, hearths, braziers, chimney-like heating systems, pavements, or drains. In the courtyards, partly paved with potsherds and pebbles, there were wells, cellars, altars, and drains. Most houses consisted of one floor, although some might have a second floor above certain rooms. The quality of construction depended on the owner's wealth. Overground houses were orderless, except for one structure which had a three- or four-columned portico facing the courtyard.

Living houses were arranged in blocks that included up to eight houses each and measured ca. 2000 sq. m. in surface area. Their size and arrangement were predetermined by the initial more or less regular plan in which topographic features of separate parts of the ancient peninsula were taken into account. The regulation of the territory occupied by overground buildings did not extend to the fringes of the settlement where dug-out dwellings were being built until the early 400^s BC, although on a much smaller scale than before.

The necropolis of Borysthenes in the second period was also urban in appearance. In the 2^nd half of the 6^th century and in the 1^st half of the 5^th century 89% of the burials were inhumations in simple pits, rectangular or oval in shape. While most skeletons are extended in the supine position, head oriented toward NE or NW, ca. 33% of the deceased were placed in the graves in the flexed position on the side. These people could have belonged to the local population. Ca. 7% are children's burials in large earthen vessels. Cremation burials make up no more than 4% in the Berezan necropolis. Burial goods are inexpensive and variable. Overall, however, the burial inventory was rather standard.

A new mass influx of immigrants in late 6^th century BC resulted in clashes between the first colonists and those who arrived later. The social conflict assumed the form of a religious controversy between the worshippers of Apollo the Physician and Apollo Delphinius. The dispute was soon settled with the help of the metropolis which, striving to enhance its colonization activities, founded another polis, Olbia, on a territory formerly controlled by Borysthenes. The Olbians acted as plaintiffs and received the well-known Didimean oracle, whose key dictum was «Peace to the Olbian polis». In the 1^st quarter of the 5^th century BC, the frontier territory between the two poleis, Berezan and Olbia, was the modem Ajigol Gully (fig. 2) inhabited by former Scythian nomads who had experienced a strong Greek influence and were seminomadic animal breeders.

Large-scale military operations of the steppe Scythians in the northwestern Pontic in early 5^lh century BC and the proximity of the rival Greek polis, Olbia, caused a severe damage to Borysthenes's economy and eventually resulted in loss of political independence. By mid-5^lh century BC, the city was completely annexed by Olbia. At that moment, Berezan for a short time became a refuge area for people of its chora. Shortly afterwards, however, they had to flee from the city together with many urban dwellers. Those who had remained gradually resorted to rural lifestyle, but their number progressively decreased during the subsequent periods.

Я. М. Паромов. О земельных наделах античного времени на Таманском полуострове

В античной культуре Северного Причерноморья до настоящего времени наименее изучены системы межевания сельскохозяйственной территории. Исключением является хора Херсонесского государства. Иная ситуация сложилась в исследовании других регионов – сельской округи Ольвии, хоры Боспорского царства. В задачу данной статьи входит общая пространственно-планировочная характеристика системы землепользования на Таманском полуострове (азиатский Боспор) и ее структурный анализ в северо-западной части полуострова. Античная система расселения на Таманском полуострове существовала с середины VI в. до н.э. до конца IV в. н.э. Ее наивысшее развитие и расцвет приходятся на IV–II вв. до н.э. В это время здесь насчитывалось 211 поселений, развилась сложная дорожная сеть, земельные наделы заняли половину территории – 60 000 га (рис. 1, 2). На рис. 1 представлены поселения и дороги IV–II вв. до н.э. на территории всего полуострова, исследованные на месте. На рис. 2 представлены поселения и дороги северо-западной части полуострова (так называемого Киммерийского острова), исследованные на месте, а также земельные наделы, изучавшиеся по аэрофотосъемке. Главной закономерностью устройства оград наделов и внутреннего деления полей было то, что они хорошо сочетались с рельефом местности и были построены поперек склонов, чтобы удерживать влагу при слабом дожде и препятствовать сильным потокам при обильном дожде. Наделы ориентированы углами по странам света, что связано с направлением благоприятных для сельского хозяйства летних ветров и неблагоприятных – зимних, чтобы им противодействовать. По типу пространственно-планировочной композиции античные системы межевания разделяются на регулярные и иррегулярные. Образец регулярной системы – хора Херсонесского государства. Хора Херсонеса создавалась по единому плану. Система земельных наделов на Таманском полуострове начала создаваться намного раньше – с середины VI в. до н.э., она развивалась и росла стихийно. Анализ и дешифрирование аэрофотосъемки позволили выделить около 350 земельных наделов, которые часто соединены в блоки. Вместе с поселениями и древними дорогами они образуют единую и естественную систему расселения. Земельные наделы очень различны по конфигурации и площади – от 2,5 до 17,7 га. Для приведения в порядок этих данных была построена гистограмма распределения наделов по величине площади (рис. 3). Она показывает увеличение числа наделов при увеличении площади до 7,5 га. При переходе этого значения число наделов уменьшается. Анализ графика позволил выявить величину стандартного участка или модуля (М), она равна 2,51 га. 2М = 5,01; 3М = 7,52 га… 7М = 17,55 га. Анализ всех наделов по величине показал, что они равны целому количеству модулей или определенному количеству модулей с долями. Большинство наделов находятся в пределах от 2М до 4М (5,01–10,3 га). Средним по величине наделом является участок, равный 3М (7,52 га). Эти данные типичны для парцеллярного хозяйства.

Ya. M. Paromov. On the ancient land division system on the Taman Peninsula

The systems of land division in the agricultural regions as part of the ancient culture in the northern Black Sea region remain at present still poorly studied. It is true e.g. for the rural neighbourhood of Olbia and chora of the Bosporan Kingdom, and the chora of Chersonese is the only exception. This article deals with the general space-planning features of the land tenure on the Taman Peninsula (the Asian Bosporus), and presents a structural analysis of this land tenure in the northwestern part of the peninsula in particular. The Classic Period system of settlement on the Taman Peninsula existed since the beginning of the 6th century B.C. till the late 4th century B.C. It came into the full swing of its development in the 4th–2nd centuries B.C. During that period the number of settlements in this area amounted to 211, an intricate net of roads was developed, and the land lots occupied half of the total territory — 60,000 hectares (figs. 1, 2). In fig. 1 the 4th–2nd centuries B.C. settlements and roads studied on site are presented. Fig. 2 shows the settlements and roads in the northwestern part of the peninsula (the so-called Cimmerian Island) investigated on site along with the land lots studied by aerial photographs. The main feature of the structure and location of the walls demarcating land lots and dividing fields internally was that the walls were built across the slopes in order to retain moisture during weak rains and to bar torrents during heavy rains. The lots are oriented to the four cardinal points; this is connected with the direction of the summer winds propitious for agriculture and unfavourable winter winds. In terms of the space-planning composition the Classic Period land division systems are subdivided into regular and irregular ones. The chora of Chersonese is an example of regular system. The Chersonesean chora was created according to a common plan. The system of land lots on the Taman Peninsula had sprung much earlier – since the middle of the 6th century B.C., and it developed and grew spontaneously. Deciphering and analysis of aerial photographs enabled us to identify about 350 land lots which often were united into blocks. Together with settlements and ancient roads they constituted a united and natural system of settlement. The lots differ much in their configuration and area varying from 2.5 to 17.7 hectares. For ordering these data, a histogram of the distribution of the lands in dependence to their area size was built (fig. 3). The histogram shows increase of the number of the lots with increase of their area up to 7.5 hectares. After reaching this value the number of lots decrease. The histogram enabled us to identify the size of a standard lot or module (M) which is equal to 2.51 hectares (2M = 5.01, 3M = 7,52, and 7M = 17,55 hectares resp.). Examination of the size of all lots showed that they are equal either to a whole number of modules or to several modules and some fractions. Most of the lots are within a range of 2M to 4M (4.01–10.3 hectares). The average lot is a plot of land equal to 3M (7.52 hectares). These data are typical for a parcelling system of agriculture.

В. Я. Конецкий, К. Г. Самойлов. К проблеме возникновения пашенного земледелия в лесной зоне Восточной Европы в I тыс. н.э.

Становление пашенного земледелия является принципиальным этапом в истории экономики древних обществ. Традиционно для лесной зоны Восточной Европы оно связывается прежде всего со славянской колонизацией, однако в последние десятилетия возникла точка зрения отодвигающая этот процесс в эпоху раннего железного века, что вызывает существенные возражения. Статья посвящена критике подобных попыток.

Основоположником такого подхода является Ю. А. Краснов. В рамках его аргументации индикатором пашенной агротехники является наличие железных серпов. На этом основании он видит пашенное земледелие у населения культур первой половины I тыс. н.э. прямо или опосредованно связываемых им с балтским миром (днепро-двинской, позднедьяковской и др.). В действительности же, серпы как тип жатвенных орудий широко представлены и у населения хозяйство которого базировалось, безусловно, на ручных формах земледелия, прежде всего подсечно-огневом (например, носители культуры длинных курганов).

В качестве единственного свидетельства наличия пахотных орудий у дьяковских племен Ю. А. Краснов считает изображение в виде крючка на известном грузике с Троицкого городища, воспринимаемое им как рисунок цельнодеревянного рала. С этим невозможно согласится ввиду отсутствия у этого «рала» важнейшей конструктивной части стояка с рукояткой.

За последние годы появился ряд коллективных работ археологическое обоснование которых осуществлял Н. А. Кренке. Их авторы поставили своей целью подкрепить выводы Ю. А. Краснова данными естественнонаучных методов (палинологии, карпологии, почвенного и палеоландшафтного анализов). К сожалению весь анализ «экофактов» был предпринят в рамках уже заданной парадигмы: априорного присутствия пашенного земледелия у дьяковского населения, что привело к парадоксальным выводам относительно хронологии хозяйственного развития. В частности, палинологические материалы были трактованы как свидетельства появления пашенного земледелия в V–IV вв. до н.э. ( т. е. на 300–500 лет чем проистекает из схемы Ю. А. Краснова и интерпретации археологических материалов предлагаемой самим Н. А. Кренке). Палеоландшафтные реконструкции, приводимые авторами, основаны лишь на современных параметрах и не могут являться самостоятельными аргументами. В целом же, характер экономики носителей дьяковской культуры (пашенное земледелие с постоянными полями и вероятным использованием навоза) выступает аналогичным уровню достигнутому лишь в древнерусский период, что представляется откровенным антиисторизмом.

Объективное рассмотрение экономики дьяковской культуры и других синхроннных ей общностей лесной зоны Восточной Европы не дает оснований для пересмотра ее атрибуции как основанной на животноводстве и ручном земледелии. Механизм смены археологических культур и типов природопользования хорошо объясняется климатическими изменениями в течении I тыс. н.э.

Древнейшие бесспорные свидетельства пашенного земледелия в северной части будущего древнерусского государства связаны с культурой сопок – первой культурой региона славянская принадлежность которой ныне никем не подвергается сомнению. С нею связаны неоднократные находки железных наконечников пахотных орудий и многочисленные (около десятка) случаи фиксации следов древней распашки. Опора пришлого славянского населения на новый, наиболее прогрессивный в данных конкретных условиях, тип хозяйства позволила им стать победителями в историческом соревновании с аборигенными этносами.

V. Ya. Konetskii, K. G. Samoilov. On the origin of the tilling agriculture in the forest zone of Eastern Europe in the 1^st millennium A.D.

The development of the arable agriculture is a principal stage in the history of the ancient societies economics. Traditionally, for the forest zone of the Eastern Europe it is connected particularly with the Slavic colonisation; however, during the recent decades a view appeared which shifts the process back to the early Iron Age. Such hypothesis raises essential objections, and the present article is dedicated to its criticism.

The founder of the mentioned approach is Yu. A. Krasnov. His arguments are based on the assumption that presence of iron sickles is an indication of the arable agrotechnics. From this point of view he finds arable farming at the population belonging to the cultures of the first half of the 1st millennium A.D. which the author connects with the Baltic World (Dnieper-Dvina, late Dyakonov and similar cultures). However, in reality sickles as a type of reaping tools are widely represented also at populations the economics of which was undoubtedly based on manual forms of agriculture, particularly on slash-and-burn ones (e.g. the representatives of the Long Kurgans culture).